Full text of "Fieldiana"

See other formats

Digitized by the Internet Archive

in 2007 with funding from

Microsoft Corporation

http://www.archive.org/details/fieldiana09chicuoft

/n OqeMty^

III

/ PUBLICATIONS

rs 7

OF THE

FIELD COLUMBIAN MUSEUM

ANTHROPOLOGICAL SERIES
Volume IX

Chicago, U. S. A.

1905

Field Columbian Museum

Publication 99

Anthropological Series - Vol. IX, No. i

THE CHEYENNE

George A. Dorsey
Curator, Department of Anthropology

I. CEREMONIAL ORGANIZATION

Chicago, U. S. A.

March, 1905

THE CHEYENNE

George A. Dorsey
I. SOCIAL ORGANIZATION

INTRODUCTORY NOTE.

The following brief and imperfect account of the Cheyenne social
organization was obtained as part of my studies of the Cheyenne
Sun-Dance, which, in turn, are part of a comparative study on this
ceremony among the Plains Tribes I began in 1901. The Cheyenne
Sun-Dance will form the subject of Part II. of this volume. These
notes on the organization of the Cheyenne are given in this form
because opportunity for further and more extended observation does
not now seem possible.

The Cheyenne, while considered in many ways the most conser-
vative of the tribes of the plains, are rapidly losing their social organi-
zation, and the time will soon arrive when it will cease to have
any meaning to the tribe as a whole. This organization was not
unlike that of the Arapaho, and was formerly strictly adhered to.

The accounts of the societies, the myths of the origin of the same,

and the story of the medicine-arrows are given, with but slight changes,

as they were obtained through Richard Davis, a full -blood Cheyenne,

as interpreter. The colored illustrations were made direct from

drawings made by Richard Davis or other Cheyenne artists; the pen

drawings were made from diagrams drawn by Richard Davis.

George A. Dorsey.
March, 1905.

v/u

CONTENTS.

Ceremonies.
I. The Prophet's four great Medicine- Arrows

The Keeper of the Medicine-Arrows -
The four assistant Medicine-Arrow Keepers
The Medicine-Men -----
The four ex-Chiefs and the forty Chiefs
The five original Warrior Societies -
The Red-Shield Warriors -
The Hoof-Rattle Warriors
The Coyote Warriors - . . -
The Dog-Men Warriors - - - -
The Inverted or Bow-String Warriors
Owl-Man's Bow-String or Wolf Warriors -
The Medicine or Sun Dance - ■ -

Page

12
12

15
16
18

19
20
24
26
30

II.

Myths.

14. The Origin of the Cheyenne

IS
16

The Origin of the Cheyenne
The Origin of the Buffalo and of Corn
The Origin of the Medicine-Arrows -
The Origin of the Sun-Dance -

34
37
39
41
46

III. Conclusion

ILLUSTRATIONS.

Plate Page

I. The Medicine- Arrow — Camp Circle ------ 7

II. The Election of Chiefs — Camp Circle - - - - - 12

III. Diagram of Chief's Lodge -..--.-i^

IV. Diagram of Chief's Lodge - - - - - - -13

V. Diagram of Chief's Lodge - - - - - - - -13

VI. Warrior's Shirts - - - - - - - - -15

VII. War Bonnets - - - - - - - - --15

VIII. Fig. I. Red-Shield Warrior - - - - - - - 17

Fig. 2. Hoof- Rattle Warrior - - - -- - -17

IX. Fig. I. Coyote Warrior - - - - - - - -20

Fig. 2. Dog-Men Warrior - ' - - - - - - 20

X. Fig. I. Inverted or Bow-String Warrior ----- 24

Fig. 2. Inverted or Bow-String Warrior ----- 24

XL Fig. I. Wolf Warriors -------- 28

Fig. 2. Wolf Warriors --------28

XII. The Cheyenne journey to the North - -- - - -47

XIII. Erect- Horns selects a Companion - - - - - -47

XIV. They discover the Sacred Mountain ------ 48

XV. They receive instruction from the Great Medicine - - - 48

XVI. They leave the Mountain, followed by Buffalo - - - - 48
XVII. The ancient Cheyenne Camp-Circle ------ 4^

Fig.

1. The Medicine-Arrows ---------4

2. Sacred Lodge during the Arrow Ceremony ----- 8

3. Diagram of Arrows, Offerings, etc. - - - - - - 9

4. Shield of Red-Shield Warrior -- - - - - -17

5. Hoof-Rattle Warrior Musical Instrument - - - - - 18

6. Wolf-skin worn by Wolf Warrior - - - - - - -27

I. CEREMONIES.

I.— THE PROPHET'S FOUR GREAT MEDICINE-ARROWS.

Two or three thousand years ago, in the Cheyenne tribe, a boy
was born, who, from babyhood, possessed great intellectual power.
He not only had supernatural powers, but he was a prophet from the
beginning of his life. This boy grew into manhood, and lived to be
four hundred years old. He claimed to have received his powers
and to have come as a messenger from the Great Medicine, who sent
him to teach and organize the Cheyenne, that they might know,
through him, what to do for their future. This Prophet's name was
Motzeyeuff. The Cheyenne, who then lived like animals, had med-
icine-men who were magicians. They became angry and drove the
Prophet away, because he killed a chief of the tribe who had abused
his playmates because they were skinning a young buffalo that they
had killed to get its hide for a robe for their Prophet.

When the people drove the Prophet away he stayed away from
his tribe for four years. He went to a high mountain, and as he went
near it a door opened for him to enter into the earth, and he entered.
Inside of the mountain he communicated with the Great Medicine.
There were several other men there who represented other nations,
and were there to learn from the Great Medicine. These men con-
sisted of several red-skinned men, one black-skinned man, who was
dressed in Indian fashion, and one white-skinned man, who had long
hair on his chin. All wore long hair on their heads. The Great
Medicine instructed each and every one who was there for four years.

The Prophet received his instructions direct from the Great
Medicine. After four years he returned to his people as a man of
supernatural power, a messenger, and a prophet from the Great Medi-
cine. When he returned he brought with him the buffalo to feed his
people; but the greatest gifts he had for them were the four great
medicine-arrows. The Great Medicine sent these medicine-arrows to
the Cheyenne as an emblem for their future. There were four original
medicine-arrows. These arrows possessed magic, and the Great Medi-
cine decreed that they should produce effects beyond natural powers.
For instance, when this Prophet, or the following Prophets, took the
arrows and held the points towards an enemy, or towards anv kind of

2 Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. IX.

animals, they became confused and unconscious. Two of these arrows
possessed power over men, and the other two possessed power
over buffalo and other beasts, and so two of them were
called "man-arrows," and two of them "buffalo-arrows." The
two man-arrows affected every person. The man-arrow points
killed women if they passed in front of the points, or if the
points were held towards them. For this reason no women
were allowed in the arrow ceremony. Another reason is that
the original Prophet decreed that no women should take part
in the ceremony, or see these arrows. To this day none of the Cheyenne
women know how the arrows look, and every Cheyenne is afraid
to go in front of the points of the two man-arrows. These arrows
were very strong and very effective when the tribe was still in its
free state. If the people were hungry, and had nothing to live on,
all they had to do was to find a herd of buffalo and have the keeper
of the two buffalo-arrows point them towards the herd. The Cheyenne,
who had no horses in those days, could go up to the buffalo and kill
all they desired by means of these arrows. When they did this the
rule was to take everything except the head, and to leave the horns
on, and to leave the backbone attached to the head and the tail.
Every animal killed with the medicine-arrows had to be treated in
that way. These arrows made the buffalo crazy. They had no
will of their own, but would run in a circle until the Cheyenne had
killed all they wanted, and then they would dash off. The Cheyenne
used these arrows to kill all beasts they desired to eat, but only when
they had to do so.

These sacred arrows are somewhat different from ordinary Chey-
enne arrows. They are about thirty-six inches long, one-half an inch
in diameter, round, very straight, with fiintstone points. The points
are tied in at the end, and over each of the four arrow points is tied
a covering of white, downy eagle feathers. At the other end are whole
wing feathers of the eagle, split in two, and tied on each side of the
arrows. The shafts are also partly covered with the white, downy feath-
ers of an eagle. All the feathers are painted red. On each of the
four arrows are painted figures of the world, the blue paint meaning
blue heavens, the sun, moon, stars, the red paint meaning the earth.
Buffalo and other animals are also painted. So these sacred arrows
are held symbolic of the Great Medicine, who made the sun, moon,
and the stars, and the earth. When the great Prophet, the real
Prophet, who brought these four sacred arrows, returned to his people,
he did what the Great Medicine taught him while inside of the earth,
and to this day the whole medicine-arrow ceremony is performed

March, 1905. The Cheyenne — Dorsey. 3

exactly as the Prophet taught them in the beginning. On the day
the great Prophet returned to his people, he organized the Cheyenne
tribe in order, as follows:

1. The Prophet.

2. The keeper of the medicine-arrows.

3. The four assistant arrow-keepers.

4. The medicine men.

5. The four chiefs (ex-chiefs).

6. The forty chiefs.

7. The four chiefs of warriors.

8. The five warrior societies.

Each society is composed of one hundred or more male Chey-
enne, from fifteen to forty years old. The societies that the original
prophet organized go by the following names:

The Red-Shield Warriors.

The Hoof-Rattle Warriors.

The Dog-Men Warriors.

The Coyote Warriors.

The Bow-String Warriors.

All of the warriors' societies are original except the Bow-
String Society. This society was formed after the others.

The original Prophet of the Cheyenne foretold all that has come
to pass. Everything that he foretold has taken place in exactly
the way he said it would. He told the following about the coming
of the white man: "A person who has long hair on chin and on legs,
and carries with him sickness of all kinds, is coming to you in the future.
With him he will bring an animal that has flashing eyes, and a tail
that touches the ground, and one hoof on each foot. This animal
will be restless, and the hairy person will also be restless. Do not
try to be like them. This hairy person will also bring a spotted animal
with horns, big- eyes, and a long tail that will touch the ground. This
animal will live on dirt, and will eat anything. If you take after it
and eat it, you will eat almost anything else." He prophesied of the
future of the Cheyenne in this language: "My brothers and children,
and all my people of this earth! Listen and remember my words,
for they are as sharp as the points of the great sacred arrows, and
keep my prophecies of the future in your minds as long as your people
and the earth last, and then the Cheyenne as a people will never
become extinct as long as the blue heavens, the sun, moon, and
earth last. Do not forget your sacred arrows. Remember them
always, and no other. You will renew your sacred arrow sticks four
times."

4 Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. IX.

The Cheyenne still have two of the original sacred arrows,
and the sticks, or wooden part of these arrows, have never been
renewed. They still have three more times to renew them, accord-
ing to the prophecy. Only the Prophet and the Arrow-Keepers
know the kind of wood that is used in the arrows. Some sixty or
seventy years ago, the medicine-arrow keeper, by carelessness, made
a mistake in performing the ceremony just before an attack was made
upon a Pawnee camp. He did not correct the mistake, and the
result was that they did not affect the camp, and although they
slaughtered the bravest of the Pawnee warriors, an old-time Pawnee
warrior captured the four sacred arrows from the Cheyenne.* A long

Fig. I. The Medicine- Arrows.

time afterward the Pawnee restored two of the arrows to the Chey-
enne, and kept the other two original arrows. When the Pawnee
would not return the other two arrows, the Prophet and the
Arrow-keeper who lost the arrows made two in imitation of the two
withheld by the Pawnee. The imitation arrows are about three
inches longer, and a quarter of an inch wider, than the original arrows.
(See Fig. i.) This Prophet made these arrows to complete the set,
so that their ritual would be the same as before. The Pawnee
have now the "man-arrows," and our medicine-men claim that the
Pawnee tribe is dying off because they do not know how to treat these
arrows in the way the original Prophet taught the Cheyenne. The
arrows still in possession of the Cheyenne are the two original "buffalo-
arrows," and two "man-arrows" that were made by a later Prophet.
What the original Prophet taught was written on some hard and
strong skin, in Indian picture-writing. This writing was done by

*See "How the Pawnee captured the Cheyenne Medicine-Arrows." Am. Atith. (N. S.) Vol. 5,
pp. 644-658.

March, 1905. The Cheyenne — Do^sey. 5

the medicine-men living at the time of the real Prophet. No one
but the Prophet and the medicine-men know about this.

The Cheyenne of to-day perform this Medicine-Arrow ceremony
exactly the way it was performed thousands of years ago. They
perform the ceremony annually. This ceremonial meeting is gener-
ally pledged or vowed by some member of the tribe. According
to the ruling of the original Prophet, this is a religious gathering,
where every family in the Cheyenne tribe must be represented in
the camp. This ceremony means reformation in general, and the
whole tribe, band, family, individual, change for the better. Their
courage and life are renewed. When the man who pledges this
ceremony has set a certain day' and place, he goes to the Prophet,
the Arrow-Keeper, and his assistants, and notifies them. They pray
for him, and dress him in a buffalo robe, place a pipe in his hand,
and paint his body red. He then starts out to notify the other
medicine-men. When he reaches the medicine-men he presents
his pipe to them, and then the medicine-men go out and call in all
the warriors. After they are gathered, and the coming event is ex-
plained to them, the pipe is lighted and smoked by every warrior
who desires to go. Every one who smokes it pledges himself that
he will attend the ceremony. The pledger then goes on to visit and
notify the different bands of Cheyenne. He is gone several days,
as there are four large bands in the tribe. When he visits the bands,
each band presents him with some contribution for the coming cere-
mony. Then he goes back to the Arrow-Keeper, and informs him
that he is ready. The whole tribe then moves, and assembles at
some quiet place selected beforehand, where no other people will
bother them. They put up their camp in a new moon circle, the
space or opening of this circle facing in the direction least likely to
be approached. The space or opening of this medicine -arrow camp
is rather larger than the opening of other camp circles of the tribe.
No one, not even animals, are allowed to pass in front of the open-
ing, for it is sacred as long as the ceremony lasts.

First Day* — The man who makes the ceremony puts his tipi
up in the middle front of the camp. After he puts it up it is then
called the place of sacrifice to the Great Medicine, and the people
take to the tipi calicoes or anything they desire to contribute for this
worship. Usually a half -day is allowed to make these offerings. After
that the assistant medicine-men take these offerings and tie them to-
gether and hang them outside of the tipi, just over the door or en-

*Much of the information here presented was obtained by Mr. Davis djring the ceremony
held on November 24-27. iv>02, which was pledged by White Thunder on the death of his wife.

6 Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. IX.

trance. After this offering has taken place, any person or family may
leave for home, if necessary, but not before. After the offerings are
hung out over the door of the sacrifice tipi, the warrior societies all
congregate in the center of the camp circle, and select a place to erect
the great Medicine- Arrows lodge. After they select "the place, they
appoint certain members of warrior societies of good character to go
and get long tipi poles. They also select another set of good warriors
to go and wait upon two men who have lived good lives, and have
been good to their fellow-men. This set of warriors goes to the two
good men and borrows their tipis, which are generally of good size,
to use to cover this sacred lodge. The rule in getting the poles and
the two tipis to be used for the sacred lodge is this: "Take the two
tipis of two good men, who have good characters, have led good
lives, and have always been good to their fellow-men, but never take
a man's tipi to be used in the sacred lodge who has led a bad life,
or who has murdered a member of the tribe." So it is an honor
to a man if the warriors come and take his tipi to use for the Medicine-
Arrow lodge. Any member of the tribe who has committed murder
in the tribe is not allowed to take part in the ceremony. The warriors
proceed and take the two tipis and poles to the center of the camp.
There they put up the great Medicine- Arrow lodge, always facing
towards the opening of the camp circle. The longest tipi poles are
used in this lodge, and also the largest tipi found in the camp is used
to cover it. This lodge is put up in the same style as the regular
Cheyenne tipi, only it is three times as large. Two tipis are used,
and from fifty to sixty poles. These poles are set in the ground so
deep that the wind cannot blow them down. After the lodge is
erected, the medicine-men go inside and clear the ground, and they
make it as smooth as it can be made. They lay sage brush all around
the inside to sit on. After this is done, the medicine-men make
plans for the warriors, who, from now on, and as long as the ceremony
lasts, congregate fifty paces back of the sacred lodge day and night.
Each society takes turns in keeping order in the camp while the
ceremony goes on inside the sacred lodge.

Second Day. — In the morning the man who makes this ceremony
takes with him three other men. They go to the sacrifice tipi, and
bring all of the offerings to the sacred lodge, and place them inside
at the altar, where the medicine-men are already sitting. After
they put them down they come out in single file, one behind the
other. In every case the ceremonial master leads. He is naked, and
his body is painted red, and he has a buffalo robe on. The other three
men who follow him once wore buffalo robes, but they go without

FIELD COLUMBIAN MUSEUM.

ANTHROPOLOGY. PL. I.

rSORTH

^'-

PL. I. The Medicine-Arrow Ceremony Camp-Circle.

.3J0fll«J-TMA0 V/0M3n3U »vC-^rA-J>'10!0jW aHT .1 .J^

March, 1905. The Cheyenne — Dorsey. 7

them now. They come out of the lodge in file, and walk slowly
to the Arrow-Keeper's tipi, or the home of the sacred arrows. This
tipi always stands out in front of the right wing of the circle.
These four men walk slowly toward it and wail on the way. When
they reach the Keeper's tipi they halt, and then move four times
forwards and backwards, and the fourth time they go into the tipi.
The Keeper of the arrows lives in this tipi, and is there when they
enter. They sit down and he prays for them, and turns the four
medicine-arrows over to these four men. These medicine-arrows
are wrapped in red fox skin, tanned with the hair on. The tanned
side is turned out, while the hair side is on the inside, next to the
arrows. After they receive this bundle these four men come out of
the tipi, the leader coming first with the bundle on his left arm, the
fox head pointing up. When the four men get outside in front of
the Arrow-Keeper's tipi, they stand in file. The leader prays before
starting back. Then he proceeds to the sacred lodge, with the other
three walking behind him very slowly, and they all wail on the way
back. See Plate I. They halt four times on the way. They always
enter the sacred lodge from the right side. As soon as the great
medicine-arrows are taken into the lodge the warriors assemble at the
back of the sacred lodge. There they decide what society shall
keep order that day and that night. No one but the medicine-men
are allowed inside of the lodge after the arrows are taken in. When
the medicine-men have started to prepare the altar and open the
sacred arrows, they notify the warriors, who then start out by twos,
with sticks and clubs in their hands. They go through the whole
camp, and allow no one to play or make any kind of loud noise.
They establish warrior's order. They go by pairs at a distance
about one hundred yards apart. They keep on walking until sun-
down. Then another set of warriors relieves them for the whole
night. In this way they keep order day and night. While these
warriors are walking their beat and keeping order, food is served to
them three times a day back of the sacred lodge. Some are eating,
while others are out on their rounds. No women are allowed outside
of the tipis as long as the warriors are out, only men who have to get
water or wood are allowed to be out.

If the medicine-men who are inside of the sacred lodge find that
the feathers of the medicine-arrows are in need of repair, they renew
them or repair them, but they never renew the wooden shafts of the
arrows. The medicine-men claim that the original arrows are not
of wood, or else they would not have lasted so long. Others say
they must be of wood, for the real Prophet would not have prophesied

8 Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. IX.

that they should renew their arrow sticks four times. If the feathers
are to be renewed, a steady, healthy, clean, good man is appointed
by the medicine-men to tie the feathers and handle the -sacred arrows.
When removing the arrows from the bundle, the points are held
towards the camp-circle opening, where no one is sitting or standing.

'SORTH
EA\TRA/SC£

Fig. 2. Sacred Lodge during the Arrow Ceremony.

If any part of the feathers of the arrows is to be renewed, it is done on
the third day. All medicine-men who go there do not stay all the
time, but take turns, just as the warriors do ; but the man who makes
the ceremony is there with the Prophet and assistant Keepers all the
time.

Third Day. — The medicine-men prepare small, long, round willow
sticks, about one yard long. These they split in two. Sometimes

March, 1905. The Cheyenne — Dor«ey. 9

these sticks number several hundred, or even a thousand. Each one
of these sticks represents a Cheyenne family. Even those who are
not present are represented by these sticks. See Fig. 2. They do
not keep these sticks; they are only prepared to count with, and are
thrown away after the ceremony. In front, and on each side of the
altar, an incense fire is kept continually burning to the Great Med-
icine, to bless every Cheyenne family represented in the ceremony,
and each stick is held over the burning incense. This continues all
day of the third day and night, and part of the fourth day. While
this incense is burning all the medicine-men in the whole camp pre-
pare and improve their med-
icines in their tipis. All of
their medicines are of herbs.
Three or four medicine-men
come together to arrange
these medicines, and they
also go through their own
ceremonies.

Fourth Day. — When the
family sticks are finished,

usually in the afternoon, the \ ' |^'/!' I / j V'
man who has pledged the j^ t*A

ceremony sends one of the ^ ' \

warriors to get a pole from ^ -^. , , f^„ ■ .

. , „ riG. ?. Diagram 01 Arrows, (Jiierines, etc.

one of the camps. This pole

is forked, about five feet

long,' by three inches through, and is pointed at the other end, so
it may be thrust into the ground. The warrior brings this pole,
and takes it to the medicine-men. The assistant Arrow-Keepers
take the four sacred arrows and tie them together against the pole
so that they point upward and downward. The two original med-
icine-arrows have their points up towards the sky, while the imitation
arrows have their points directed downwards. After they are tied
on this pole, the pledger takes the pole and comes out from the
medicine-lodge, holding it and the arrows vertically. He goes for-
ward to a distance of one hundred yards from the great Medicine-
Arrow lodge, and halts and puts the pointed end of the pole in the
ground. (See Fig. 3.) He wails as he comes from the lodge. After he
puts the pole into the ground so that it will stand firmly, he returns
to the lodge and brings out the red fox-skin wrapper, and lays it down
beside the pole. He goes very slowly, and wails all the time.
When he returns to the lodge the medicine-men come out and" bring

lo Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. IX,

the oflEerings and lay them down beside the pole and the wrapper.
When the offerings are brought out from the Medicine -Arrow
lodge, all males of the tribe, from the oldest men to the youngest
boy baby, go to see these ancient arrows hanging outside in the
air for inspection. Every male knows how these medicine-arrows
look, and in case the medicine-men who renewed the feathers did
not tie them like the original they would know, but the medicine-
men do not often make mistakes. Here the boys bring offerings
again, and lay them beside the other offerings. All males view
these arrows, and when every male in the Cheyenne tribe has seen
them, the warriors go to work and take the original Medicine-
Arrow lodge down and erect another lodge over the place where the
pole with the medicine-arrows is standing, in front of the arrow-
lodge. This is called the Prophet's lodge. They use the same poles
and the same two tipis, only they get a third tipi, for they use three
tipi coverings to cover the Prophet's lodge, while the Medicine-Arrow
lodge has only two tipi covers. They make the Prophet's lodge
larger, so that it can accommodate every medicine-man in the tribe.
When this Prophet's lodge is up they bring the medicine-arrows
out from it and take them back to their home where the Keeper lives.
On the night of the fourth day all the medicine-men and the Prophet
go to the newly erected Prophet's lodge. Here they sing four of
the most sacred songs. They are the same sacred songs that the
original Prophet of thousands of years ago sang to them and taught
them. They sing the four sacred songs as they come in order. After
each song they prophesy, the same as the real Prophet did. They
chant four times, twice before midnight and twice after midnight.
When they have chanted four times the Prophet's lodge is uncovered
at about three o'clock in the morning. The Prophet and the med-
icine-men and the man who is carrying on the ceremony then come
back to where the first offering tipi was. At this place a sweat-lodge
has been erected during the night, after the ceremony is over at the
Prophet's lodge. They all come to this sweat -lodge, and the med-
icine-men go in and take a vapor bath. They wash off their medicine
so that they may go safely among their own people. They chant
four times in this sweat-lodge, and after that they come out. After
the sweat-lodge ceremony is over, and the tipi is uncovered, then the
Medicine- Arrow ceremonv is at an end.

March, 1905. The Cheyenne — Dorsey. ii

2.— THE KEEPER OF THE MEDICINE-ARROWS.

Next to the Prophet comes the Keeper of the great medicine-
arrows, the emblem of the whole Cheyenne tribe. The Keeper is
appointed by the Prophet, or, sometimes, by the warriors. He must
be a medicine-man, and one of the assistant Arrow-Keepers. He
must understand all sacred chants and all rituals pertaining to the
Medicine-Arrow ceremony. Not only this, but he must be of ex-
traordinarily good character, a natural leader, and counselor of the
whole Cheyenne tribe, but not necessarily a chief. The present
Keeper of these medicine-arrows is Little-Man. He was not a chief
at first, but some ten years ago he was appointed a chief, so at the
present time he is a Keeper of the medicine-arrows and one of the
forty chiefs also. His family and his tipi are held sacred because the
medicine-arrows hang in his tipi. His tipi is called the home of the med-
icine-arrows, and he is the father of them because he cares for them.
He makes a vow that he will take good care of them in order to pre-
serve them. In the Cheyenne camp, which is made in a horseshoe
circle, the Keeper's tipi stands out in front of the other tipis about one
hundred yards on the right wing of the circle. No nuisance is allowed
around the Keeper's tipi at any time. In former times the Keeper's
wife walked and carried the medicine-arrow bundle on her back when
the Cheyenne were traveling. Later on, after the white man came
to this country with horses, she rode on horseback, but still had the
bundle tied on her back. The Keeper as a medicine-man does not
have to take part in the ceremony, if he can get another medi-
cine-man to assist him. If a Keeper of the medicine-arrows does
not give satisfaction, then all the warriors come together and hold a
council, and appoint another Keeper. They go in a body and get
the bundle and give it to the man they have appointed.

3.— THE FOUR ASSISTANT MEDICINE-ARROW KEEPERS.

The medicine-arrow Keeper has four regular assistants. These
four assistants are the only ones who may handle the arrows. All
other medicine-men have to reach this degree. Whenever the regular
annual Medicine- Arrow ceremony takes place, and when the medicine-
arrows have been brought into the sacred lodge, these four men are
there to inspect the four medicine-arrows. If any of the eagle feathers
that are on the arrows need renewing these four assistants are the
ones to do the work. The feathers are from the eagle. Every other
article used on the great medicine-arrows comes from the buffalo, the

12 Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. IX.

glue, the sinew, and the paint, which is made from the buffalo blood.
In order to comply with the original Prophet's requirements, to use
buffalo sinew, glue, and blood on these great medicine-arrows, the
Cheyenne have this day in their possession from eight to ten pounds
of dried buffalo blood, four to five pounds of buffalo glue, and about
forty pieces of buffalo sinew. These are to be used by these four
men only, and only in the Medicine- Arrow ceremony and no where else.

4.— THE MEDICINE-MEN.

The medicine-men come next in order. These men are all doctors
who give medicine to the sick. They usually have contributed
many ponies or goods to the arrow ceremony. They contribute
toward this worship in order to be taught how to perform certain parts
of the Medicine-Arrow ceremony. If any one of these men has been
loval and has a good memory and has contributed more than the
other men, he will some day be appointed as one of the assistant
Keepers of the sacred arrows. There are thirty to forty of these
medicine-men, representing different bands of Cheyenne. They are
usually old men, and are the only ones who can go inside the great
Medicine-Arrow lodge and assist the Arrow-Keeper and his four assis-
tants to perform the ceremony the way the original Prophet taught
them. These men, the Arrow-Keeper, his assistants, and the Prophet
are the only ones allowed to perform this great Medicine-Arrow
ceremony.

5.— THE FOUR EX-CHIEFS AND THE FORTY CHIEFS.

When the chiefs have become old, and weary and worn, and realize
that they cannot live much longer they hold council and select a
place and date, and send messengers to the different bands to invite
every one to come to the place where all the Cheyenne people must
gather to have new chiefs appointed. When the Cheyenne have
assembled in a circular camp, a large lodge is put up in the center of
the circle facing the opening of the camp. See Plate II. This lodge
is similar to the Medicine-Arrow lodge. It has from forty to fifty poles
and two tipi covers are used. It is twice as large as a good-sized Chey-
enne tipi. After it is put up, the ground inside is made smooth and
all weeds and grass are removed. Then all the old chiefs come to this
lodge to hold council. They sit in a circle about the inside of the lodge.
After they are seated they send for the forty sticks that are tied
in a bundle and kept by the medicine-arrow Keeper, fastened

PL. II. The Election of Chiefs— Camp-Circle.

/•L

FIELD COLUMBIAN MUSEUM.

ANTHROPOLOGY, PL. II.

THE 44 CHEYENME CHIEFS SACKED LODCE -
ERECTEO THE PAV THtV APPOIKT MEW CHIEFS

'^^

"^o

SCAB.©

/2-

FIELD COLUMBIAN MUSEUM.

ANTHROPOLOGY, PL. III.

^^O'CINE ARROW f^^^

THE AMCIEMT MAGICIA/S
THE PROPHET

4 THE SUM DAflCE PRfEST
3 THE AHIMAL DAfiCE PRIE5T

Pl. III. Diagram of Chiefs' Lodqe.

.aeooJ 'e'^siiW^io maboajQ AU j9

5 ATiClE'

/«-

FIELD COLUMBIAN MUSEUM.

ANTHROPOLOGY, PL. IV.

^I'Z;'^^

REPRE5E.NTINC THE THIRD or SCABBY BAND
BUT SEATED LAST IN THE LODOE

Pl. IV. Diagram of Chiefs' Lodge.

<aoJ '8^3<H0 to MAflSAlQ ,VI .J^

FIELD COLUMBIAN MUSEUM.

ANTHROPOLOGY, PL. V.

CHIEFS

AFTtf^

'^^V

ChlEF,

^ F"f?Oft\ THE. SC

(K^^^

©N

.t^^

Pu. V. Diagram of Chiefs' Lodge.

.3000J «ai3<M0 TO MAflOAtO V .J<=t

March, 1905. The Cheyenne — DoftSEY. 13

on the medicine-arrow bundle. These sticks are about eighteen
inches long by one-half inch in diameter, pointed at one end so that
they may be put into the ground. Every stick is painted red. They
are called "chief sticks."

After they take this bundle of "chief sticks" into the chief's
lodge and place it in the center, the lodge becomes sacred. The old
chiefs seat themselves again inside the lodge and direct the four
assistant Arrow-Keepers to open the chief's bundle and take the
sticks out. These four men sit at the front inside of the lodge.
They take each red stick and name it to represent one of the new
chiefs. They stand these in a row, first in front of the four medi-
cine-men. See Plate III. When they place these in the ground
in a row, then all of the old chiefs elect five good men to represent the
five bands of Cheyenne whose camps come in this order in the circle,
beginning at the right end of the circle, see Plate IV., as follows:
Aorta band, Hairy-Men band, Scabby band, Half-Cheyenne band,
Dog-Men band. The old chiefs proceed to the first or Aorta band.
They get their man and bring him direct to the lodge in the center
of the circle. They take him into the lodge and place him at the
right end of the council circle which represents the whole camp.
After he is seated the}^ take one of the red sticks and stand it up
directly in front of him. See Plate V. All the old chiefs go
out together to get these new chiefs, except the four medicine-men,
who give them directions. They proceed to get the next man from
the Hairy-Men's band, but when he goes into the lodge he is seated
about two-fifths of the distance from the Aorta man on the same
side of the circle. They also put one red stick into the ground
in front of this man. Then they omit the third or Scabby band.
They proceed to the fourth or Half-Cheyenne band and get a man
from that band and bring him and place him opposite the second
man, the representative of the Hairy-Men's band, in the lodge.
They also put up a red stick in front of him. Then they go out to
the fifth or Dog-Men band, select a man and bring him to the lodge.
They take him in and place him at the left end of the council circle
opposite the first or Aorta man. They also put a red stick into the
ground in front of him. Then they go to the third or Scabby band.
After they get a man from this band they bring him to the lodge and
take him inside and place him between the representative of the
Hairy-Men's band and the Half-Cheyenne band ; thus he sits oppo-
site the door or entrance of the lodge. They also put up a red
stick in front of him. After these five men, who represent the
five bands, are seated, all the old chiefs, except the four. medicine-

14 Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. IX.

men, go in a body to get the rest of the thirty-five new chiefs
whom they have decided upon beforehand. They begin at the
right end of the circle and pick out those whom they have already
appointed before going out. They go around the whole camp.
These old chiefs make this trip four times around the camp, each
time bringing a certain number of chiefs. The fourth time they
go around they get the last of the required number of forty chiefs.
The four medicine-men who stay in the lodge put up a red stick in
front of each man as he comes in. Each new chief takes a seat inside
of the lodge corresponding to the position of his camp or band in
the camp-circle. If a new chief's band is located on the right end
of the circle then he must sit on the right end of the council circle
inside of the chief's lodge. After the old-time chiefs have all the
newly elected chiefs seated in the lodge, they smoke the chief's pipe.
After this, one of the four medicine-men, the old-time prophet,
addresses the newly appointed forty chiefs. He says something like
this: "Now, you who are here have been appointed as chiefs to look
after the welfare of all men, women, and children, but in order to
carry yourselves in an orderly manner, you, new chiefs, must select
four men from among these old-time chiefs to be your counselors
and leaders. These four ex-chiefs that you will appoint will be your
advisers." Then the forty new chiefs appoint four ex-chiefs from
among the old-time chiefs whom they think or know will lead them
aright. These four ex-chiefs are generally medicine-men. The forty
new chiefs look to these four old chiefs. Then the two medicine-men
from the four medicine-men address the forty -four chiefs like this:
"Now, listen to me! When the old chiefs wore out, they appointed
you to carry on their leadership. We, who are here representing the
sacred magicians of old and the sacred arrows and the sacred sun.
earth and animals, have this day advised you and placed every man,
woman, and child of the Cheyenne tribe in your care. When it is
necessary you will help not only your own tribe, but all other Indians.
You have been appointed on account of your bravery, character, and
courage. In the future you will cause no disturbance or help to
cause a disturbance among your own people. If another member of
the tribe kills your own brother, take your pipe and smoke it to the
Great Medicine, and you will prevent disturbance. Do not notice
your brother's murderer. If your young men look despairing and
lonely, take your pipe and pledge yourself to perform the great Medi-
cine-Arrow ceremony, in order that the Great Medicine will bless you
and I people, because of your remembrance of him."

Of these four medicine-men, who are also Medicine-Arrow keepers,

FIELD COLUMBIAN MUSEUM.

ANTHROPOLOGY, PL. VI.

Pu. VI. WARRIOR'S Shirts.

fy-

PL. VII. War Bonnets.

March, 1905. The Cheyenne — Dorsey. 15

one is an bid-time magician, the second is the Prophet, or one
who has performed the great Medicine- Arrow ceremony, the third
is one who understands all about the Sun-dance, the fourth is one
who has performed and understands all about the sacred animal
ceremony and dance. When these four medicine-men are through
addressing the new chiefs, then all people come and see them. The
new chiefs go out, give feasts, and give away many presents to the
poor and needy people.

6.— THE FIVE ORIGINAL WARRIOR SOCIETIES OF THE
GREAT PROPHET.

Before the time of the original great Prophet, the Cheyenne were
governed by one chief and a magician who assisted him. Until the
great Prophet brought the four great medicine-arrows to the Cheyenne,
he with his assistants exercised absolute power over them. The
Prophet organized the tribe into bands, instituted the office of chief,
and imposed the rank of warrior on all males of fifteen years and more.
These warriors he grouped into five societies, who, with the chief,
were responsible for the conduct of the tribe. The societies were
called the Red-Shield, Hoof-Rattle, Coyote, Dog-Men's, and Inverted
or Bow-String. Each society was formed by certain medicine-men,
who had been instructed by the original great Prophet, and each
society was controlled by a chief with seven assistants. These were
appointed by the warriors for their courage and bravery in battle.
The warrior chiefs understand all of the songs and their assistants
are councilors among the warriors. The warrior chiefs finally become
chiefs and their assistants become war chiefs. Should a member of
any of the five warrior societies distinguish himself in battle by the
performance of some extraordinary act in behalf of any of his fellows,
he wears thereafter, as a badge of distinction, a buckskin coat adorned
with fringe of hair of the enemy. See Plate VI. The experienced
warrior has presence of mind, is ever on the alert, and is brave, always
protecting his fellows. He wears a war-bonnet, which trails down
his back to the ground, and if he is a distinguished chief or warrior,
he decorates it with eagle feathers tipped with locks of human hair.
See Plate VII. The shirt and war-bonnet are usually worn by the
seven assistants of the warrior societies. Marks of distinction are
conferred upon those who have been brave in encounters with neigh-
boring tribes in open battles or who have led warriors against the
enemy successfully, or who four times have scalped an enemy alive,
or who have rescued one or many times one of his fellows who has been

i6 Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. IX.

left behind at the mercy of the enemy; but the greatest honor is
accorded to him who leads his fellows to victory after they have been
defeated by the enemy.

The paint, the dress, the songs, and the dances of the members of
the warrior societies are, in general, characteristic for each of the five
societies. Thus each society has its four sacred songs sung to different
tunes, part with words and part without words. Besides these char-
acteristic songs there are four sacred songs for the five warrior societies,
which are sung to the Great Medicine, and each society has its four
battle songs, sung by individual warriors while on the battle-field or
in concert at a council of warriors. The members of each society
address each other as "friend" or "brother," and they afford each
other mutual protection. When a society desires to take into its
membership a young man they go to him in a body and bring him
into their society.

The Red-Shield, Coyote, and Hoof-Rattle or Dew-Claw societies
admit into their lodge four Cheyenne maidens, usually selected from
the daughters of the forty-four leading chiefs; these maidens the
warriors call sisters. The warriors are not allowed to marry any of
the four maidens of their own society, though they may marry
the maidens of other societies. These maidens are given prominent
places in all dances and they sit in the midst of the circle in front of
the war chiefs in all the councils. The two other societies do not
admit women into their lodges. When the great Prophet directed
the medicine-men to establish the warrior societies he gave them the
privilege, at their own risk, of admitting to their lodge four women,
chaste and clean, and from the very best families. Misfortune will
befall the society who violates the condition. Fearing that through
deceit unchaste women might come into their societies, the Dog-Men
and the Inverted or Bow-String warriors do not admit women. Each
of the existing societies continues to burn incense to the Great Medi-
cine, in order to remind him that they are still carrying out his instruc-
tions which he gave to their ancient ancestors through the great
Prophet.

7.— THE RED-SHIELD WARRIORS.

The Red-Shield society has one chief, called "War-chief of the
Red-Shield Warriors." He has seven assistant war-chiefs, who are
officers and councilors of the society and under whom are from one
hundred to two hundred warriors. They select four maidens whom
they admit into their society. These maidens, who are usually the
daughters of chiefs, are not permitted to marry any of the members

i.y

PL. VIM. Fig. 1. Red-Shield Warrior.
Fig. 2. Hoof-Rattle Warrior.

.nOIRHAW

The Cheyenne — "Dorsey,

March, 1905.

of their society and are called by the warriors "sisters." These
women occupy a place in the center of the council circle. When the
society gives a dance in the open air the maidens continuously dance
in front of all the warriors, beating upon drums which they carry.
Now the men trot, now they halt, and with bodies bent forward dance
up and down, moving around, and now they hop and skip heavily
along. As they dance each warrior
utters a sort of gutteral sound like that
made by a buffalo on the chase.

The emblem of the Red-Shield so-
ciety is 'the shield, which is round like
the sun and painted red. Long ago cer-
tain medicines were applied to it, and
the warrior swung it in a circle before
the enemy, so that the enemy's arrows
would hit neither man nor shield. All
shields have their origin in this society,
for the shield was given them by the
great Prophet, who also brought the
medicine-arrows to the tribe. Each
warrior of the society carries a red
shield, as well as a spear, hence the name
Red-Shield. The shields are made of
raw buffalo hide, which is toughened by
being suspended over a fire while it is
yet soft ; then a circular portion is cut
from the region of the hip, in such a
manner as to leave the tail, with its hair,
intact with the circular piece. See Fig. 4.
The hair of the circular portion is re-
moved and the skin is tanned, with the tail left on. To test the
strength of the hide for the shields, after it is tanned, the warriors
shoot arrows at it. If their arrows bound back from the hide and
leave it uninjured the hide is fit for use in the shield ; otherwise, not.

Whenever the warriors of this society congregate for a dance or
to hold a council of war they are dressed alike. See Plate VIII. Fig. i.
Their head-dress consists of the skin, with horns attached, of the
buffalo head, taken generally from a two-year-old. That portion of
the skin lying between the ears and connecting the horns is taken.
The horns are painted red, and in full dress the bodies of the members
are also painted red. Each warrior carries a spear about eight feet
long, with stone point, originally, but with a steel point later; the

Fig. 4. Shield of Red-Shield
Warrior.

1 8 Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. IX.

entire spear is painted red. The wearing of the buffalo skin with the
attached horns and the shield from the hips, with the tail attached,
gave rise to the name "buffalo warriors." About their waists these
dancers wear a sort of skin belt or skirt, worked with porcupine quills,
and having buffalo dew-claws attached to it, to produce a rattling sound
while dancing. Along the lower edge of the belt are fringes, some
of which hang down below the knees. This skirt-like belt is worn by
every warrior of the society, and is painted red.

8.— THE HOOF-RATTLE WARRIORS.

The Hoof-Rattle society has one head chief and seven assistants

or sub-chiefs. They have over one hundred warriors under them

and four Cheyenne maidens. There is a keeper of the drums and a

keeper of the elk antler emblem, which is formed like a rattlesnake.

Two of the bravest men (See Plate VIII. Fig. 2) carry spears with

crooks at one end, the

— ____^^^____^^ wood of the handle being

HDJUffi^^^^^ bent around in a semi-

T7 TT r T) i.ii iTtr • TVT ■ 1 circuffif ercncc. These two

Fig. 5. Hoof-Rattle Warrior Musical

Instrument. spears are wrapped as

far as the points with
otter skin. The shaft is further ornamented with two bands of
otter skin about two feet apart, with four pendants of eagle
feathers attached to each band for ornamentation. The spears are
about eight feet long. All of the other warriors carry straight spears
with points, wrapped with otter skin which has been dressed on the
outside. Each warrior carries a rattle. This rattle is a stick about
one foot long, covered with tanned buckskin, to which are sewed or
tied several dry dew-claws of elk, deer, or antelope. The keeper of
the elk horn is the leader in the dancing and singing. The elk
antler used by these warriors is real. It is straight and has a body
about two inches thick and about eighteen inches long. It has
a head and a tail. It is fashioned like a snake. On the top of the
snake's back are grooves cut about half an inch apart. See Fig. 5.
When used for singing and dancing they put one end of this antler
snake on top of a piece of rawhide and hold the snake's tail in the
left hand and with the right hand they hold the shin bone of an ante-
lope and rub it backwards and forwards over the snake's back, thus
producing a loud, shrill sound like that of some animal. They have
four sacred songs, four war songs, and about two hundred dance
songs. One hundred or more warriors sing in unison with the time

March, 1905. The Cheyenne — Dorsey. 19

of the rubbing on the elk antler, thns making themselves heard for a
long distance. According to the teachings of the great Prophet this
antler was used to charm the buffalo. Whenever the tribe desired
large herds of buffalo, elk, or deer to come near their camp the war-
riors would come together and chew the herb medicine used in all the
sacred arrow ceremonies and blow it upon the elk antler to make it
effective. Then the keeper would hold the snake effigy by the tail
and draw the scapula toward himself so that the motion was made
from the head to the tail. Having four times made this motion the
buffalo and deer would be charmed and come to them. All the ante-
lope and deer thus affected were killed and their dew-claws taken
for making rattles for the warriors.

Aside from the rattles, spears, bows and arrows, individuals satisfy
their own desires in the matter of dress. All the warriors of the
various societies hold as sacred the elk antler. When dancing, the
Hoof-Rattlers hold their spears in one hand and their body erect.
They jump up and down, keeping time with the singing and rattle.

9.— THE COYOTE WARRIORS.

The Coyote society derives its name from the fact that its mem-
bers imitate the coyote in their power of endurance, cunning, and
activity. They outstrip their fellow- tribesmen in running long dis-
tances, playing games, etc. There are about one hundred and fifty
warriors in this society, and a head chief, who carries a coyote hide
with the hair left on. The society regards this hide as sacred. Having
put their medicine on the coyote hide as well as on themselves, these
warriors feel light, and can endure and can run a long distance with-
out stopping. The society has a rattle-keeper, who carries a red-
painted gourd with stones inside to make the rattling. In old times
this rattle was made out of buffalo hide, but lately the gourd has
taken its place. This rattle is used to mark time in the dancing
and singing, and its keeper is the leader in the dancing and singing,
and he knows all the songs. The society has four sacred songs, part
of which relate to the coyote ; four war songs, and about three hundred
dance sojigs.

When these warriors have a four days' dance they put up their
lodge either in the center or in front of the camp-circle, and just
within the interior of the lodge the coyote hide is placed so that
its head is directed toward the entrance. The chief with his assistants
sit back of the coyote hide. When in view, this co3'-ote hide is placed
in front of the chiefs in the council circle. The four maidens who are

20 Field Columbian INhisEUM — Anthropology, Vol. IX.

admitted to this society, sit in front of the chiefs. Two of the warriors
carry a spear about an inch and a half wide. Between its ends
is stretched a string, which gives the spear the form of a bow. Several
kinds of feathers hang from the spear, and it has a sharp point. See
Plate IX. Fig. i. The other warriors carry straight spears. Each
warrior has two eagle feathers stuck vertically in his scalplock, and
carries a bow and' arrows. All members of the society dress alike.
Their bodies and upper parts of their arms and legs are painted yellow,
while the lower arms and legs are painted black. On the breast of
each warrior, suspended by means of a string about the neck, is a
crescent-shaped, black-painted piece of hide. The two eagle feathers
in the hair are always worn and the spear is always carried in their
hand when they are not al^road. When dancing these warriors jump
up and down rapidly, keeping time to the rapid and ever-increasing
time of the music. The four maidens, who are daughters of chiefs,
decorate their dress with elk teeth. Their faces are painted yellow
and they wear two eagle feathers upright in their hair.

In the past the warriors of this society had their hair roached over
the top from front to back to represent a scalplock, the sides of the
head being shorn of hair. All members of the other societies wore
their hair long. The coyote hide is the emblem of this society, for
in a similar skin the great Prophet brought the medicine-arrows to the
tribe. The coyote was the animal that the great Spirit sent to wander
over the earth, and he was one of the animals that, in early times,
talked to men.

ID.— THE DOO-MEN WARRIORS.

The Dog-Men society, termed by the white men "Dog-Soldier"
society, is the largest society among the Cheyenne. It is made up of
males of fifteen years and more, and numbers one-half of the males of
the entire Cheyenne tribe. This society once controlled the whole
tribe. Its members were raiders, and formerly they roamed over the
plains between the Missouri and the Arkansas rivers with the upper
Platte River in Nebraska as their headquarters. The society has one
chief and seven assistants, and several hundred warriors. Of
these the four bravest are chosen to protect the society and the
tribe from the raids of the enemy. These four braves wear over their
left shoulder and trailing down their backs to the ground, a piece of
skin twelve inches wide and eight feet long, decorated with porcu-
pine quills and eagle feathers. The quill work of two of these
streamers is in bright colors with rows of eagle feathers hanging over

.flO!:-. 'aW aroYoO .r .oR .XI .j"^

PL. IX. Fig. 1. Ck)YOTE Warrior.
Fig. 2. Dog-Men Warrior.

\-0 /

i..-^

March, 1905. The Cheyenne — D(5^sey. 21

the quill work. These scarfs are worn by the two most daring
braves of the society, who have reached a certain rank in the society.
These two also adorn their leggins with human hair. See Plate IX.
Fig. 2. The two other scarfs are narrower and have less quill
work on them. They also have eagle feathers, but the two warriors
who wear these do not adorn their leggins with human hair, for they
are not as brave as the former two. These four warriors when at war
are expected to protect their fellows, and if need be, die for them.
The warriors of this society are appointed to this degree after having
performed a certain number of brave deeds. After their death, others
have to take their places.

All the warriors of this society dress alike. Their head-dress con-
sists of a cap with a few beads worked over the front edge. The
crown is covered entirely with tail feathers of the eagle, and
the sides are covered with the feathers of the hawk and crow.
The feathers are so fastened that they stand erect all over the head-
dress. Suspended by a string around the neck of each warrior is a
whistle of the wing bone of an eagle, which they blow while dancing.
The whistle and string are ornamented with porcupine quills. Each
warrior wears a rattle fashioned in the form of a snake. The body of
the rattle consists of a round stick about a foot long, and one and a
half inches in diameter. It is covered with a narrow strip of rawhide
about three-quarters of an inch wide, into the ends of which are
inserted the head and tailpieces, the headpiece extending out from
the end of the body about two inches. The rawhide is then bound on
the stick, and the whole, excepting the head, which is painted red, is
covered with buckskin. Eyes are made in the head, and an eagle
feather is attached. Over the entire body of the figure are tied rows
of the dew-claws of deer or antelope. All portions of the body
remaining exposed are decorated with quill work. The length of
this rattle is about two and a half feet. Grasping these rattles
by the head with their right hand they shake them and measure the
time of their dancing and singing. The belt worn in the dance con-
sists of four skunk skins prepared with the heads left intact, two
heads meeting in front and two at the back. The fur is left on the
skin, and on this side are attached fringes to which are hung dew-
claws throughout.

These warriors carry a bow and arrows. When they dance they
move forward in a stooping position rapidly, bending each leg forward
alternately. This society has between five and six hundred songs,,
exclusive of their four sacred songs and four war songs. The society
emblem is the dog, which they regard as sacred, and which they asso-

22 Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. IX.

ciate with the origin of the society. The society regards itself as dis-
tinguished and influential. The whole tribe, and neighboring tribes,
as well, recognize its importance. In former times this society was
distinguished for the great number of captives it held. Indeed, the
old-time warriors claim that three-fourths of the entire Cheyenne
tribe were captives.

The Dog-Men society was organized after the organization of the
other societies, by a young man without influence but who was chosen
by the great Prophet. One morning the young man went through the
entire camp and to the center of the camp-circle, announcing that
he was about to form a society. No one was anxious to join him, so
he was alone all that day. The other medicine-men had had no
difficulty in establishing their societies, but this young man, when
his turn came to organize, was ridiculed; for he was not a medicine-
man, and had no influence to induce others to follow his leadership. At
evening he was sad, and he sat in the midst of the whole camp. He
prayed to the Great Prophet and the Great Medicine to assist him. At
sunset he began to sing a sacred song. While he sang the people noticed
that now and then the large and small dogs throughout the camp
whined and howled and were restless. The people in their lodges fell
asleep. The man sang from sunset to midnight: then he began to wail.
The people were all sleeping in their lodges and did not hear him. Again
he sang: then he walked out to the opening of the camp-circle, singing
as he went. At the opening of the camp-circle he ceased singing and
went out. All the dogs from the whole camp followed him, both
male and female, some carrying in their mouths their puppies. Four
times he sang before he reached his destination at daybreak. As the
sun rose he and all of the dogs arrived at a river bottom which was
partly timbered and level. The man sat down by a tree that leaned
toward the north. Immediately the dogs ran from him and arranged
themselves in the form of a semicircle about him, like the shape of the
camp-circle they had left ; then they lay down to rest ; as the dogs lay
down, by some mysterious power, there sprang up over the man in the
center of the circle a lodge.. The lodge included the leaning tree by
which the man sat; and there were three other saplings, trimmed at
the base with the boughs left on at the top. The lodge was formed of
the skins of the buffalo. As soon as the lodge appeared all the dogs
rushed towards it. As they entered the lodge they turned into human
beings, dressed like the members of the Dog-Men society. The Dog-
Men began to sing, and the man listened very attentively and learned
several songs from them, their ceremony, and their dancing forms.
The camp-circle and the center lodge had the appearance of a real

March, 1905. The Cheyenne — Dorsey. 23

camp-circle for three long days. The Dog-Men blessed the man and
promised that he should be successful in all of his undertakings and
that his people, his society, and his band would become the greatest
of all if he carried out their instructions. On the fourth day they were
discovered by two Cheyenne, who were looking for the man and for
their dogs of burden. They observed the form of the circle and the
lodge within and saw that it was like the camp-circle of their tribe.
They went so near that within they heard their own language spoken.
Thev did not enter the lodge, but hurriedly returned to their people,
to tell them what they had seen. On the day after the first dis-
appearance of the man and the dogs, the medicine-men counseled
with the great Prophet, who knew all about it. The great Prophet
told the medicine-men that the man was obeying his commands, and
that this, the fourth day, they might find him with the dogs. The two
Cheyenne, who had hunted four days before finding the new camp,
returned on this day, and when they announced to the people what
they had seen, the whole camp moved to the lodge of the man and
the dogs. As they came into view of the wonderful camp the Dog
lodge instantly disappeared and the Dog-Men were transformed into
dogs. The medicine-men ancl warriors were by this time very sorry
that they had refused to join this man's society. To express their
sorrow they went in advance to the young man, and asked him to have
mercy upon them and forgive the whole tribe for its treatment of him.
The young man took the pipe and smoked, to show that he had for-
given his people. The young man then instructed them to go to
their own dogs and pitch their tipis according to the position of their
dogs, so that they would make a horseshoe-shaped camp, just as the
dogs had made. Every man became busy and the dogs alone seemed
to be very indifferent as to what was happening. The young man
still remained in the center of the camp, and the next day, according to
his instructions from the Great Prophet, he again asked the warriors
to join his society, and many hundreds of men joined it. He
directed the society to imitate the Dog-Men's dress, and to sing the
way the Dog-Men sang. This is why the other warrior societies call
the warriors of this society " Dog-Men Warriors."

When the Dog-Men society has its four days' lodge put up for a
dance, they repair their head-dresses, reorganize all the warriors, and
should one of the four brave warriors have died or been killed by the
enemy, they name some one to take his place. When the other warrior
societies put up their lodges to dance or for reorganization, they must
place their lodges in the center of the camp-circle; but the Dog-Men
warriors may locate their lodge in the center of the circle or at any big

24 Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. IX.

camp not in a circle, as they may desire, provided they can find a tree
that leans toward the north to which they can tie the three saplings
for the erection of their lodge. The lodge is so constructed that the
stationary tree is placed at the back, on the inside and opposite the
entrance. The three movable saplings are trimmed as far up as the
upper branches, which are left. Formerly, buffalo hides were used
for a covering for the lodge, but recently canvas is substituted. The
poles of the Dog-Men's lodge are different from those of the other
societies' lodges. The other societies burn incense to the Great
Medicine, who sent the Great Prophet to establish their societies and
to establish ceremonies in honor of himself. But instead of burning
incense, the Dog-Men put in the center of their lodge an earthen pot
about half full of water, and into this they put a piece of beef weighing
about two pounds, which remains there during the four days' dance.
On the fourth day and before the dance is dismissed, they take the
meat from the pot and pass it around to the members of the society ;
each one bites off a large piece, chews, and swallows it. This they do
in memory of their society's founder, and in memory of the original
dogs who followed the founder out from the camp-circle and induced
the warriors to organize the Dog-Men society. Ever after this all
the original dogs preferred cooked to fresh beef.

II.— THE INVERTED OR BOW-STRING WARRIORS.

The Inverted Warrior society is but little known throughout the
tribe, although it is the fifth of the warrior societies founded by the
Great Prophet. It was founded when he last appeared in the dress
of the Inverted Warrior with his celebrated bow-spear, and a stuffed
owl tied over his forehead for a head-dress, and a bone whistle tied
around his neck by means of a string. See Plate X. Fig. i. This
society the great Prophet founded on his return after his four years'
absence to the mountain; but the society was without a chief. Each
warrior was independent of the rest, though all the warriors dressed
alike and were always prepared for war.

The warriors must be of strong physique and very courageous.
A part of the requirements of the society is that these warriors shall
be solemn and stoical. Their bodies and clothing are always painted
red, as well as their buffalo robes. See Plate X. Fig. 2. Each
warrior carries a bow-spear about eight feet long — a perfectly sound,
straight, well-seasoned stick fashioned after the style of a bow. This
bow-spear is flat on the front side and round on the back side, there
being a space in the middle for a handle, which is round. This bow

PL. X. Fig. 1. Inverted or Bow-String Warrior.
Fig. 2. Inverted or Bow-String Warrior.

March, 1905. The Cheyenne — D(5rsey. 25

is two inches wide at the handle and one and a half inches at the
ends. Its buffalo sinew string is one-third of an inch in diameter.
When the bow-string is drawn the bow itself is bent scarcely at all.
At the handle is tightly bound a bunch of sage grass. At one end is
a sharp flint spearhead, about six inches long. Recently steel points
have been substituted. Attached to the other end of the bow, which
is pointed, are a few owl feathers. Suspended from the sides of the
bow are four bunches of magpie feathers, two on either side, for
ornamentation. The bow is painted red, and the spearhead proper
is painted blue. This bow-spear is never unstrung. It is wrapped
with buckskin when not in use, though it is always present with the
warriors, wherever they go. Should they fail to take it with them
at any time it is hung in a tree for safety, or some place where it
could not be found by any one. No one except the members of the
society are allowed to touch or handle the spear; nor are any
women allowed to touch it. The warriors of the society are unmar-
ried. The women have their beds apart from those of the warriors.
Their food is cooked separately at home, and is served separately.
Should they be in council with other society warriors their food
is served separately. The close observance of the regulations of
this society by its members gives them a character distinct from
that of the other societies, and they are regarded as pure. They
rejoice in the beauty of nature as the work of the Great Medicine,
who created the rivers, hills, mountains, heavenly bodies, and the
clouds. They are the philosophers among their people.

The following is an explanation of the term "Inverted Warriors."
A medicine still in use among the Cheyenne is used by these warriors,
by means of which their actions and speech are inverted; for in-
stance, the members of other societies ask a question thus: "Father,
will you come here?" but the members of this society ask the question
thus: "Father, you will not come here?" When the warriors of
other societies are all defeated in battle and run from the enemy, the
Inverted Warriors blow their whistles and charge the enemy and fight
until they are killed or defeat the enemy, regardless of the numbers
of the enemy. They usually are naked when fighting in battle.
Their bodies are painted red. On top of their heads is a stuffed
screech-owl. They carry their bow-spears with them. No one is
allowed to pass in front of them. Should they wish to transfer their
spear from one hand to the other they pass it back of their bodies*
When charging the enemy's camp, or when warding off the attack of the
enemy upon their own camp, these warriors charge separately from
the other warriors in the main body, thus performing a flank move-

26 Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. IX.

ment. No one is allowed to pass in front of them. When the tribe
goes to battle, each society wears its society dress. Before making
a general attack upon the enemy the warriors all stand in a row.
Before them is a row of medicine-men and chiefs, and the medicine-
arrow Keeper who performs the ceremony to the Great Medicine.
He points the sacred arrows at the enemy as taught by the
great Prophet, and thus insures victory to his tribesmen. The
Keeper of the medicine-arrow always charges in front of all, and no
one may charge in front of him. In ancient times the great medicine-
arrows were very effective. When directed towards a warring tribe
they rendered the enemy helpless and without power to resist. Suc-
cess with these arrows against their enemies, according to the old-
time warriors, accounts for the numerous aliens among the Cheyenne
tribe.

. 12.— OWX-MAN'S BOW-STRING OR WOLF WARRIORS.

The Bow-String warrior or Wolf Warrior society is the sixth war-
rior society in the tribe. It was founded by a Cheyenne warrior by the
name of Owl-Man. It is not included among those five societies
founded by the great Prophet, but has been founded since the advent
of the white man. This society has one head chief and seven assist-
tants or sub-chiefs, under whom are from one to two liundred
warriors. The members of the society are distinguished for their
gayety, their songs, their dances, and the various colors of their
dress. Each member dresses as he is able, and hence there is no
uniformity of dress. They paint their bodifes and the trappings of
their ponies. This is the noisiest and the gayest of all the societies.
It may be joined by any warrior of fifteen years or more. The
society does not seek members to join it, but the warriors come to it
to ask admission.

The following is an account of the way Owl-Man founded his so-
ciety : He was traveling alone, toward the north. While he traveled
he was overtaken by a hard rainstorm which turned into a heavy snow-
storm. Reaching a deep canyon he went into it with his pony for
shelter. The cold increased and the snow fell steadily until an
object could not be seen ten paces away. Owl-Man's clothing was
drenched with rain and frozen stiff; his pony was frozen to death.
He gathered bark from the trees and made a shelter for himself. His
buffalo robe kept him from freezing; when morning came he was
so hungry and cold that he was about to lie down and die, when some
one behind him spoke, and told him to go west until he found another

March, 1905.

The Cheyenne — Dorsey,

creek, where there was a lodge. He wrapped himself up in his robe
and started west. As he drew near to the creek he heard a drum
beating, just as if there were a dance going on, and when he came in
view of the creek he saw a lodge. He went directly into it, and as he
approached, the drumming ceased. By the time he reached the lodge
he'could barely move, for his clothing was frozen stiff and his feet and
hands were frozen. When he entered the lodge he found a fire in the
center, and the ground inside was perfectly smooth. At the back of
the lodge was a fiat drum. Owl-Man threw himself down and was

Fig. 6. Wolf-skin worn by Wolf Warrior.

unconscious until toward evening, when he revived and sat up. As
he sat there he heard several people all around on the outside of the
lodge talking and telling each other to go in and see him. Owl-Man
peeped through the entrance and as far as he could see there were
wolves approaching the lodge, coming from over the hills, and they
talked his own language. The wolves entered the lodge, and as they
entered they were instantly transformed into human beings. The
lodge was soon filled, and still there remained outside of the lodge
several hundred. After these Wolf -men had taken their seats inside,
an old Wolf-man came in and took his seat in front of the circle and
opposite the entrance. This old Wolf-man began to talk to Owl-Man
as follows: "We have powers of cunning such as no other animals
have, and we have the whole earth for our home. We this day have

28 Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. IX.

come here to bless you and your people, so that you may live and go
back to your people and show them what we are, and we will instruct
you for the next four days. Our people possess the whole earth, and
our braves do the fighting in companies. We do not allow women to
mingle with our braves. If you allow maidens in your work, take four
maidens, who are to wear belts made of rattlesnake skin." After thus
talking to Owl-Man the old Wolf -man, who claimed to be the chief and
who had a place assigned to him in front of the circle of Wolf-men,
burned incense, and in an instant every Wolf warrior was gorgeously
dressed. The old Wolf-man wore a bear's hide, dressed with the
hair on. All the other Wolf warriors were adorned with wolf
skins, tanned with the hair on, with a hole cut at the back,
big enough to permit the insertion of the head (see Fig. 6),
so that the skins were worn as capes, the head hanging on their
breast and the tail part hanging down their back. See Plate
XI. Fig. I. Their naked bodies were painted yellow and the
extremities of their limbs were painted red. Each Wolf war-
rior had a spear about eight feet long, with a point at one end
made out of flint. These spears were not alike, but they were
trimmed with the feathers of every bird to be found. Two of the
spears had eagle feathers hanging down their whole lengths ; these two
spears stood, one at each side of the entrance of the lodge, while
two other spears, wrapped with otter skin, stood in front of the Wolf
chief. The Wolf chief had in his hand a flat drum. Several other of
the Wolf-men also had a small drum. The Wolf-men watched their
chief when he began to burn incense to the -Great Medicine. The
Wolf chief held his drum over the burning incense, passing it back-
wards and forwards, first to the east, then south, then west, and then
north. Then he took hold of the drum stick and struck the drum
once, then the second, third, and fourth times. The other Wolf-men
stood watching their chief. They beat their drums and yelled and
whooped with all their might, and they began to sing and dance.
Owl-Man learned about three hundred songs from these mysterious
Wolf -men. They had four sacred songs and four war songs. While
dancing, each warrior got up and took hold of his spear and danced
with it. When they ceased to dance they stood the spears up in
front of them again. Four days they danced. At night, Owl-Man
would fall asleep, and in the morning, when he awoke, all of the Wolf-
men would be gone, but they would soon return and appear in human
form, ready for the dance. On the last day, in the afternoon, Owl-
Man saw four old men coming, who entered the lodge, and each old
man made a speech, telling his exploits to the other warriors. After

M ^JOW

vHSfi

PL. XI. Fig. 1. Wolf Warriors.
Fig. 2. Wolf Warrior.

FIELD COLUMBIAN MUSEUM.

ANTHROPOLOGY, PL. XI

Fig. I.

Fig. 2.

March, 1905. The Cheyenne — Dorsey. 29

each old man had made a speech, all the men were ordered to go
out and stand abreast in a row, to run a race. One of the men called
out the name of the Wolf society, and they all ran at full speed.
When the warriors returned from the race the four old men entered
the lodge and said to Owl-Man, "Arise and go on your way. In one
and a half days you will reach your people. We have blessed you,
and now, in addition to what we have shown to you, go and teach
your people to be brave. Take this medicine; it is to be put upon
your warriors before they go on the warpath or dance. When they
go outside in the open air to dance they are not to stop dancing till
some old warrior with experience in several battles comes before
them and tells his exploits, the same as we have done. Then you
are at liberty to dismiss the dancers." Then the four old men
started out, and when they were outside the lodge they disappeared
instantly and left Owl-Man sitting out on the prairie, amidst
the four old men who had stepped out of the lodge. There were
now four real wolves running from Owl-Man, who arose and went on
until he found the Cheyenne village.

As Owl-Man came to his village all the people came to see him,
and to inquire how he came through the snowstorm. He told what
had happened. On the first clear day they camped in the form of
a circle, and Owl-Man had his lodge erected in the middle of the
camp. He went to the lodge and had the ground inside made as
smooth as was that of the Wolf-men's lodge that he had visited.
After the lodge was erected he called for young men to come and
join his society. He performed the ceremony exactly as he had been
instructed by the Wolf -men.

Any warrior in the tribe not already a member of one of the five
sacred warrior societies may join the Wolf society. When going
to war, or when about to dance, they put upon their bodies the med-
icine given to them by the original Wolf-men through Owl-Man.
This medicine is still used in the society. When dancing, the warriors
hold their spears and stand erect. They jump up and down very
heavily, and rather slowly. See Plate XI. Fig. 2. This society
alone, of all the warrior societies, dances with guns, and they
shoot blank cartridges. The presence of the guns in the dance in-
dicates that the society was organized after the advent of the
white man with his powder and gun. Some of the brave men
ride their ponies, while other warriors are dancing on their feet.

30 Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol; IX.

13.— THE MEDICINE OR SUN DANCE.

The following is a description of the Medicine-Dance, which
tradition accords to have been given to Erect-Horns: The camp-circle
is formed by the warrior society of the Lodge-maker. On the first
day after the camp circle has been formed, the Priests', or Medicine-
men's tipi is erected in the line of the camp-circle, where all the
medicine-men who have ever made or performed the Sun-Dance are
invited to come. The priests or medicine-men having assembled
within the Priests' tipi, the Lodge-maker appoints a man to act as
chief priest, or master of ceremonies, by giving him a pipe to smoke.
On the second day the Priests' tipi is taken up bodily by women,
one woman taking hold of each tipi pole, and they move it to a point
fifty paces in front of the camp circle. When set down and secured
in its new position, it is cleansed within, and is henceforth called
the "Lone-tipi." The earth is now formed and the pipes are
taken inside and placed in front of the priests. Towards evening a
buffalo skull, which has been lying outside the Lone-tipi, together
with two straight sticks used for stirring the pipes when smoking,
are brought in, and the skull is inverted and placed with its nose
towards the entrance. The priests then feast. All of the members
of the Lodge-maker's Warrior society are then invited to the feast.
After the feast they rehearse inside the Lone-tipi, and dance
until midnight. Henceforth the chief priest and the Lodge-maker
remain in this tipi.

They decide on the location for the Medicine-lodge, and on the
third day the poles for the Medicine-lodge are cut, and the Medicine-
lodge is erected. In the morning of the third day, at sunrise, a
noted spy of the tribe, dressed, and on horseback, goes through the
entrance of the camp-circle to the place decided upon for the location
of the Medicine-lodge, and tells of his exploits in war. Then there
are placed at the back of the lodge two young willows, two plum-
trees, one four-foot peg, four rainbow sticks, twenty people's sticks,
one long willow dipper, two long forked sticks, all of which had been
brought on the previous day by certain of the medicine-men. Next
the skull is painted and the grass lobes are stuffed in the nasal cav-
ities and eye sockets. Then the Lodge-maker's wife and the Lodge-
maker are painted, preparatory to their entrance into the Medicine-
lodge. Then they paint the arrow of the center-pole, and the ceremony
of this arrow is performed. Should the Lodge-maker be a good and
just man, the chief priest blesses him by raising the arrow, point
upward and in front of his mouth, backward and forward, praying

March, 1905. The Cheyenne — Dorsey. 31

that power, plenty, and fortune may come to him. Next the chief
priest takes meat from the ribs of a beef and cuts it in the form of a
star, in the center of which he represents a person ; then with an arrow
he pierces the meat, and lays the meat and arrow aside. The Earth
peg, called the "center-pole peg," is next painted, the point red
and the head black. From a piece of rawhide is cut an image of
an armless man, about twelve inches long, with an eagle breath feather
tied to its head, and a sinew string, about four feet long, attached
to its back. This figure, representing other tribes of people, is called
the "center-pole man," and is suspended from the center-pole.
The sacred pipe, filled with -tobacco, is also painted, and is placed
by the side of the painted skull and in front of it. While the
priests and medicine-men are performing the ceremony inside of
the Lone-tipi, and preparing the Lodge-maker and his wife for their
entrance into the Medicine-lodge, the others are bringing to the
place selected for it the center-pole and other poles for its con-
struction.

The Lodge-maker's wife bears the buffalo skull out of the Lone-
tipi, followed by the Lodge-maker with the sacred pipe, the chief
priest, and the other priests. The woman holds the buffalo skull
out to one side and in front of her. She advances slowly in a stooping
position, stops three times to rest, and finally comes to a place about
thirty paces from the Lone-tipi. There all sit in a row, with the
skull directly in front of them. The woman sits directly back of
the skull, the chief priest at her side. To the left of the skull rests
the sacred pipe, to the left of the pipe the incense. Sacrifices and
offerings are brought in and placed by the side of the skull. Every-
thing is ready. The offerings are brought in. The thunder-
bird's nest is tied in the fork of the center-pole, and gifts are tie<1
to its prongs. The human image is attached to the pole, and the
arrow and peg are placed in the thunder-bird's nest. The offerings
are tied to the forks alone. The center-pole is now painted, and the
chief priest and the Lodge-maker step upon it. In the mean time
a hole is dug in the ground to receive it. First the center-pole is
painted with a band of red about six inches wide, then a band- of black
of the same width, the bands being about four to five feet from the
surface of the ground after the pole is erect. Of the four top poles,
the two south poles are painted red, while the two north poles are
painted black, the symbol for clouds.

Everything being in readiness, the woman, the chief priest, and
the other priests all rise and approach the lodge, and they stop im-
mediately back of the skull. As the sacred pipe song is sung, the

32 Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. IX.

woman and the chief priest raise the pipe upwards toward the center-
pole, the chief priest makes a prayer, and then the center-pole is
partly raised. Three times again the center-pole is raised, with the
same accompaniments, and is placed erect in its proper position. The
cross-bars are then placed in the crotches of the encircling forked
poles. The warriors go to the camp and bring back tipis to cover
the sacred lodge. When the cover is in place the warriors go to
their societies to feast and prepare for the dedication of the lodge.
Toward evening the wife of the Lodge-maker brings a bed through
the right side of the lodge, and places it at the back of the lodge,
behind the altar. All the chiefs are invited, and at this time come
to the lodge.

All of the warrior societies take part in the dedication ceremony,
which lasts for two hours. Eight brave men are selected to help
and protect their people, and two of the chiefs make speeches. All
of the priests return and sit around the chief priest, the Lodge-maker,
and his wife. They prepare to drill those who are to take part in
the coming dance, in the hand-and-arm exercise. In this exercise
the right arm is raised twice, then the left arm is raised twice, then
both arms twice. In each exercise they turn first to the right, and
then to the left side. This lasts half of the night. After singing
the sacred pipe song four times, and smoking, the chief priest and
the woman go out. Before they go out incense is burned over each,
which is repeated on their return. While they are out the four
pipe songs are sung, and they smoke. Now they dance till morning.

On the fourth day, or the first day of the dance, the altar is built
around the skull. The Lodge-maker's wife goes out in front of the
lodge and procures earth, which is cut into strips about one and a
half feet long and four inches wide, five pieces in all, and each piece
having grass upon it. These pieces of sod the woman brings in one
at a time, and places them in order, two at the right, and two at the
left; the fifth piece occupies a position at the back of the skull.
Then the brush about the altar is set up, one willow on the right
side, then a plum bush, then small bushes, as they proceed backward
in a circle. On the left, in front of the altar, is a willow and
a plum bush, the same as on the opposite side. Directly in front
of the skull is dug a ditch four inches deep and two feet long,
and from eight to ten inches wide. In the bottom of the ditch
is a layer of sand, upon which are drawn from seven to nine red
and black lines representing roads. Arched over the ditch, from
side to side, are four painted rainbow sticks, with eagle breath-
feathers stuck to them. On one side of the ditch stand ten red

March, 1905. The Cheyenne — Dorsey. 33

sticks, representing the Cheyenne, and on the other ten black
and white sticks, representing other tribes. The red sticks have
downy feathers stuck to them. While the altar is being completed
all the men who are to paint the dancers take them to the chief priest,
that he may put medicine upon them, so that they may succeed in
their work. The Lodge-maker and his wife are painted red. All
the children go to the river and fetch mud to the front of the lodge,
where they mold it into pairs of mud animals, which, when com-
pleted, they set about the base of the center-pole, thus representing
the animals which the ceremony is expected to attract.

The number of days of dancing is determined by the experience
of the chief priest, who must conduct the lodge as he has been in-
structed.

On the afternoon of the fourth or last day of the dance those who
so desire have their breasts pierced and dance tied by a lariat to the
center-pole until the skin of the breast breaks from the weight of
their bodies.

In the closing ceremonies, at evening, several short rites are
performed by the dancers. The tipi cloth of the lodge is raised, and
four entrances are made. Then a scalp, or the downy feather of an
eagle, is tied to a stick four feet in length, which is placed in the
hands of an old-time warrior, who is leader. Then there occurs a
race around the center-pole. The leader runs in advance, swinging
his stick to the right and left, up and down, as he runs. The racers
run out to the south and back, then to the west and back, then to
the north and back, then return to their places, drink, and wash off
their paint.

II. MYTHS.

14.— THE ORIGIN OF THE CHEYENNE.

In the beginning the Great Medicine created the earth, and the
waters upon the earth, and the sun, moon, and stars. Then he made
a beautiful country to spring up in the far north. There were no
winters, with ice and snow and bitter cold. It was always spring,
and the wild fruits and berries were everywhere, and great trees
shaded the streams of clear water that flowed all through the
land. In this beautiful country the Great Medicine put animals,
birds, insects, and fish of all kinds. Then he created human beings,
and put them in the country to .live with the other animals. Every
animal, both big and small, every bird, both big and small, every
fish, and eyery insect could talk to and understand the people whom
the Great Medicine had sent to live among them, and they could
understand each other, for they were all friends, and had a common
language. The people went naked. They lived on honey and wild
fruits, and were never hungry. They wandered everywhere among
the animals, and when night came and they were weary, they lay
down on the cool grass and slept. During the days they talked with
the other ^.nimals, for they were all friends, and one people.

The Great Spirit created three kinds of human beings: First,
those who had hair all over their bodies; second, white men, who
had hair all over their heads and faces and on their legs; third, red
men, who had very long hair on their heads only. The hairy people
were very strong and active. The white people with the long beards
and the wolf were the most tricky and cunning of all in that
beautiful country. The red people were active, and were the swift-
est runners. The Great Medicine taught them how to catch fish, and
they ate the fish. None of the other people knew anything about
eating meat. After a time the hairy people left the north country,
and went south where all the land was barren. The red people
followed the hairy people into the south. The bearded people left
the north country, but no one knew where they went, but it is be-
lieved to-day that they were the ancestors of the white people.

Before the red men left the beautiful land the Great Medicine
spoke to one of their number and blessed him and his people. The

March, 1905. The Cheyenne — Dorsey. 35

Great Medicine told this man to go and call all of his red people to-
gether at a certain place. The man called, and the people came,
and it was the first time that they had all come together. When they
were assembled the Great Medicine blessed them, and gave them
some medicine spirit to awaken their dormant minds. From that
time on they seemed to possess intelligence, and to know what to do.
The Great Medicine spoke to one of the men again, and told him
to teach his people to band together, so that they all might work
and clothe their naked bodies with skins of panther and bear and
deer. The Great Medicine gave them power to hew and shape
certain kinds of flint found in the north, and other stone, into any
shape they wanted. They hewed stones into cups, pots, stone axes,
arrow heads, and spear heads. The flint they made into arrow and
spear heads.

After the Great Medicine called the red people together, they
stayed together ever afterwards. They left the beautiful country
and went southward, in the same direction the hairy people had
gone. The hairy people remained naked, but the red people clothed
themselves because the Great Medicine told them to. When the
red men came the hairy people who had gone before had scattered
and made homes inside of high hills, and in caves high up in the
mountains. The red men seldom saw the hairy men, for they were
afraid and always went inside their caves when the red men went
to see them. In their caves they had beds made out of leaves and
skins. They had pottery and flint tools like those of the red men.
These hairy people did not increase, but decreased in numbers, until
they finally disappeared entirely, and to-day the red men cannot
tell what ever became of them. After the red men had left the
north country and gone south where the land was barren, the Great
Medicine again spoke to one of the red men and told him to tell his
people to return north, for the barren southland was going to be
flooded. When they returned to that beautiful land the white-
skinned, long-bearded men and some of the wild animals were gone
from there. They were no longer able to talk to the animals, but this
time they controlled all the animals, and they tamed the panther and
bear and other animals to catch game for them to eat. They in-
creased in numbers, and became tall and strong and active. Again
they left the beautiful land to go south. The water had gone,
and grass and trees had grown, and the land was beautiful like the
northland. For a long time they stayed in the south, but while
they were still there another flood came, and it scattered the red men
here and there. After a time the great waters went down again,

36 Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. IX.

and the land was dry, but the red men never came together any-
more, but went in small bands, just as they did in the beginning,
before the Great Medicine told them to unite. The last flood des-
troyed almost everything, and the red men were on the point of
starvation, so that they had to start back to their original home
in the north as they had done before. When they reached the north
country they found the land all barren. There were no trees, and
there was not a living animal there, and not a fish in the water.
When the red men looked upon their once beautiful home they
cried aloud and all the women and children wept. This happened
in the beginning, when the Great Medicine created us.

After many hundreds of years, just before the winter season came,
the earth shook and the high hills sent forth fire and smoke. When
the winter season came, there came great floods. All of the red
men and women had to dress in furs and live in caves, for the
winter was long and cold. It destroyed all of the trees, but when
spring came there was a new growth. The red men suffered much,
and were almost famished when the Great Medicine took pity on
them and gave them corn to plant, and the buffalo for meat. From
that time there were no more floods and no more famines. The
people continued to live in the south. They grew and increased in
numbers, and there were many different bands with different lan-
guages, for the people were never united after the second flood.

The descendants of the original Cheyenne who inhabited the
beautiful country in the far north before the winter seasons came
on in this country, and to each of whom the great Prophet came,
had men who were magicians. They had supernatural wisdom.
They charmed not only their own people, but also all animals that
they lived on or ate. It made no difference how fierce or wild
the animals were, if those men used that secret influence on them,
they became so tame that the people could go right up to them and
handle them. This magic knowledge was handed down from the
original Cheyenne, who came from the far north. To-day Bushy-
Head is the only one who understands that ancient ceremony, and
the Cheyenne of to-day place him in rank equal to the medicine-
arrow Keeper and his assistants.

The magicians of old understood the secret powers only, but
they could not bring forth live buffalo in big herds, and prophesy
like the original medicine-arrow Prophet, who was sent by the Great
Spirit to the Cheyenne,, who still celebrate his arrows. It has
been confirmed by nearly all of the old Cheyenne, that about the
time that they were in that beautiful country in the far north the

March, 1905. The Cheyenne — Dorsey. 37

white persons of to-day are the same as the bearded people who
were then there, but when the Great Spirit sent winters it divided
them from the white persons. But the floods that came on after
the winters set in divided the Indian or red people. This is the
reason the Cheyenne give as the cause of the existence of different
tribes speaking different languages.

15.— THE ORIGIN OF THE CHEYENNE.

Many thousands of years ago the Cheyenne inhabited a country
in the far north, across a great body of water. For two or three
years they had been overpowered by an enemy that outnumbered
them, and they were about to become the enemy's slaves, and they
were filled with sorrow. Among their number was a great medicine-
man who possessed a wooden hoop, like those used in the games of
to-day. On one side of the hoop were tied magpie feathers, while
opposite them, on the other side of the hoop, was a flint spear head,
with the point projecting toward the center of the hoop. One
night the great chief told the people to come to a certain place.
When they were assembled he led them away. He kept in advance
of them all the time, and in his left- hand he held a long staff,
and in his right hand he held his hoop horizontally in front of
him, with the spear head of the hoop pointing forward. No one
was allowed to go in front of him. On the fourth night of their
journey they saw, at some distance from the ground, and apparently
not far in front of them, a bright light. As they advanced the light
receded, and appeared always a little farther beyond. They trav-
eled a few more nights, and the fire preceded them all the way, until
they came to a large body of water. The medicine-man ordered
the Cheyenne to form in a line along the edge of the water, and they
obeyed. He then told them that he was going to take them across
the water to another land, where they would live forever. As they
stood facing the water the medicine-man asked them to sing four
times with him, and he told them that as they sang the fourth time he
would lead them across the water. As he sang the fourth time he
began to walk forwards and backwards, and the fourth time he
walked directly into the water. All the people followed him. He
commanded them not to look upward, but ever downward. As
they went forward the waters separated, and they walked on dry
ground, but the water was all around them. Finally, as they were
being led by night the fire disappeared, but they continued to fol-
low the medicine-man until daylight, when they found themselves
walking in a beautiful country.

38 FiiiLD Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. IX.

In the new country they found plenty of game to live on. The
medicine-man taught the Cheyenne many things, but they seemed
to be of weak minds, though they were physically strong. Out of
these Cheyenne there sprang -up men and women who were large,
tall, strong, and fierce, and they increased in number until they
numbered thousands. They were so strong that they could pick
up and carry off on their backs the large animals that they killed.
They tamed panther and bear and trained them to catch wild game for
them to eat. They had bows and arrows, and were always dressed in
furs and skins, and in their ignorance they roamed about like animals.
In those days there were very large animals. One variety of these
animals was of the form of a cow, though four times as large; by
nature it was tame and grazed along the river banks ; men milked them.
Boys and men to the number of twenty could get upon their backs
without disturbing them. Another variety of these large animals
resembled in body the horse, and they had horns and long, sharp teeth.
This was the most dangerous animal in the country. It ate men, had
a mind like a human being, and could trail a human being through
the rivers and tall grasses by means of its power of scent. Of
these there were but few. In the rivers there were long snakes
whose bodies were so large that a man could not jump over them.

The Cheyenne remained in the north a long time, but finally
roamed southward, conveying their burdens by means of dogs.
While they were traveling southward there came a great rain and
flood all over the country. The rivers rose and overflowed, and
still the rain kept falling. At last the high hills alone could be
discerned. The people became frightened and confused. On a
neighboring hill, and apart from the main body of the Cheyenne,
were a few thousand of their number, who were out of view,
and had been cut off from the main body by the rising water.
When the rains ceased and the water subsided the part who
were cut off looked for their tribesmen, but they found no sign of
them; and it has ever since been a question among the Cheyenne
whether this band of people was drowned, or whether it became a
distinct tribe. Long afterward the Cheyenne met a tribe who used
many of their words, and to-day they believe that a part of their
people are still living in the north. Nearly all the animals were
either drowned or starved to death. The trees and fruit upon
which the people had formerly subsisted were destroyed. A few
large gray wolves escaped with them, for they had crossed with the
tame dogs. The dogs were so large that they could carry a child
several miles in a dav. After the flood had subsided the senses of

March, 1905. The Cheyenne — Dorsey. ' 39

the Cheyenne seemed to be awakened. They became strong in
mind but weak in body, for now they had no game to subsist on.
They lived on dried meat and mushrooms, which sustained them
for a long time.

16.— THE ORIGIN OF THE BUFFALO AND OF CORN.

When the Cheyenne were still in the north they camped in a
large circle. At the entrance of the camp-circle there was a deep
spring of water rapidly flowing from out the hillside. They camped
near this spring so that they might get their water easily. One bright
day they were playing the game of ring and javelin in the center
of the circle. The game consisted of a hoop painted red and black
all over, and four throwing sticks which were to be thrown at the
hoop when it was rolled. Two of the sticks were painted red, and
two were painted black. The sticks were three or four feet long,
and were tied together in pairs. The hoop was rolled along the ground,
and as it rolled the red or the black sticks were thrown at it, and the
contestants won accordingly as the black or red portion of the ring
fell upon the black or red sticks as it stopped. The owner of the
stick which matched the color of that portion of the ring that fell on
it won. There was a large crowd of Cheyenne gathered in the middle
of the camp, watching the game. As the players contested there came
from the south side of the camp-circle a certain young man to witness
the game. He stood outside of the crowd to look on. He wore a
buffalo robe with the hair side turned out, his body was painted
yellow, and a yellow painted eagle breath-feather stuck up on top
of his head. Soon there came from the north side of the camp-circle
another young man to see the game, and he was dressed exactly
like the man who came from the south side. He also stood outside
of the crowd, and opposite the first man, to view the game. When
they saw each other they went inside the crowd and met face to face
and asked each other questions. They were unacquainted with
each other, and were surprised when they saw that they were dressed
alike. The crowd stopped playing the game, and stood around to
hear what the two young men said. The man from the south said
to the man from the north, "My friend, you are imitating my manner
of dress. Why do you do it?" Then the man from the north said,
"Why do you imitate my manner of dress?" A last each told the
other the reason for his manner of dress on that day. Each claimed
to have entered the spring that flowed out from the hillside at the
entrance to the camp-circle, where he had been instructed to dress

40 Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. IX.

after this fashion. They then told the great crowd that they were
going to enter the spring again, and that they would soon come out.
The crowd watched them as they approached the spring. The man
from the south side reached the spring, covered his head with his
buffalo robe, and entered. The other young man did the same thing.
They splashed the water as they went, and soon found themselves
in a large cave. Near the entrance sat an old woman cooking some
buffalo meat and com in two separate earthen pots. The woman wel-
comed them thus: "Grandchildren, you have come. I have been ex-
pecting you, and am cooking for you. Come and sit down beside me."
They sat down, one on each side of her, and told her that their people
were hungry, and that they had corrie to her for their relief. The
woman gave them corn from one pot and meat from the other. They
ate, and were filled, and when they were through the pots were as
full as when they began. Then the old woman told the young men
to look toward the south. They looked, and they saw the land to the
south covered with buffalo. She then told them to look to the west.
They looked, and saw all manner of animals, large and small, and
there were ponies, but they knew nothing of ponies in those days,
for they never had seen any. She then told them to look toward the
north. They looked to the north, and saw everywhere growing
corn. Then said the old woman to them, "All this that you have
seen shall in the future be 3' ours for food. This night I cause the
buffalo to be restored to you. When you leave this place the buffalo
shall follow you, and you and your people shall see them coming
from this place before sunset. Take in your robes this uncooked corn.
Every spring-time plant it in low, moist ground, where it will grow.
After it matures you will feed upon it. Take also this meat and
corn which I have cooked, and when you have returned to your
people, ask them all to sit down in the following order, to eat out of
these two pots: first, all males, from the youngest to the oldest, with
the exception of one orphan boy; second, all females, from the oldest
to the youngest, with the exception of one orphan girl. When all
are through eating, the contents of the pots are to be eaten by the
orphan boy and the orphan girl."

The two young men went out and obeyed the old woman. When
they passed out of the spring they saw that their entire bodies were
painted red, and the breath-feathers of their heads were painted
red instead of yellow. They went to their people, and they ate as
directed of the corn and the meat, and there was enough for all;
and the contents of the pots was not diminished until it came time
for the two orphan children, who ate all the food. Toward sunset

March, 1905. The Cheyenne — Dorsey. 41

the people went to their lodges and began watching the spring closely,
and in a short time they saw a buffalo jump from the spring. It
jumped and played and rolled, and then returned- to the spring.
In a little while another buffalo jumped out, then another, and an-
other, and finally they came out so fast that the Cheyenne were no
longer able to count them. The buffalo continued to come out until
dark, and all night and the following day the whole country out in
the distance was covered with buffalo. The buffalo scented the
great camp, for they left a long, narrow space where the wind went
from the camp. The next day the Cheyenne surrounded the buffalo.
Though they were on foot they ran very fast. For a time they had
an abundance of buffalo meat. In the spring-time they moved their
camp to low, swampy land, where they planted the corn they had
received from the medicine spring. It grew rapidly, and every
grain they planted brought forth strong stalks, and on each stalk
grew from two to four ears of corn. The Cheyenne planted corn
every year after this.

One spring, after the planting of their corn, the Cheyenne went
on a buffalo hunt. When they had enough meat to dry to last them
for a considerable time, they returned to their corn-fields. To their
surprise they found that their corn had been stolen by a neighboring
tribe. Nothing but the stalks remained, not even a kernel for seed;
so it was a long time before the Cheyenne planted any more corn.
They trailed the footprints of the enemy for several days from their
fields, though the thieves had visited them about one moon before.
They fought with two or three tribes of Indians, but could not trace
the thieves, nor could they learn anything regarding the stolen corn.

17.— THE ORIGIN OF THE MEDICINE-ARROWS.

After the Cheyenne had received their corn, and while they were
still in the north, a young man and young woman of the tribe were
married. The young woman became pregnant, and carried her
child four years in her womb. The people observed the woman with
great interest to see what would happen to her. During the fourth
year she brought forth a beautiful boy. The child's father and
mother died before he was able to take care of himself, and so his
grandmother, who lived alone, took care of him. The Cheyenne
regarded the birth of the child as extraordinary, and they looked
upon him as supernatural. Soon the boy walked and talked. As
soon as the boy could walk he was given a buffalo calf robe to wear,
and was shown how to wear it. He at once turned the hair side of

42 Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. IX.

the robe out. At that time the medicine-men were the only ones
who wore their robes in that way.

There were among the Cheyenne certain men of extraordinary
intelHgence and superhuman powers. At certain times these great
medicine-men would come together and put up a lodge, where they
would sit in a large circle. They would chant and go through curious
rituals. Each man would rise and by incantation perform before
the crowd as no other man could perform. When the boy was about
ten years old he desired to go and take part in one of the magic dances
given by the great medicine-men. He insisted that his grandmother
go to the chief of the medicine-men and gain for him admission to
the dance. His grandmother told one of the medicine-men of the
boy's desire, and so they let him enter the lodge. When the boy
went into the lodge the chief said to him, "Where do you want to
live?" (Where do you want to sit?) Without ceremony the boy
took his seat beside the chief. He wore his robe, and had the man
who brought him in paint his body red, with black rings around his
face, and around each wrist and ankle. The performance began
at one end of the circle. When the boy's turn to perform came he
told the people what he was going to do. With sweet grass he burned
incense. Through the incense he passed his buffalo sinew bow-string
east, south, west, and north. Then he asked two men to assist
him while he performed. First he had them tie his bow-string
around his neck, then cover his body with his robe, then pull at the
ends of the string. They pulled with all their might, but they could
not move him. He told them to pull harder, and as they pulled at
the string again his head was cut off and rolled from under his robe,
and his body was left under the robe. They took his head and placed
it under the robe with his body. Next they removed the robe, and
there sat a very old man in place of the boy. They covered the old
man with the robe, and when they removed the robe again, there
was a pile of human bones with a skull. They spread the robe over
the bones, and when it was removed there, was nothing there.
Again they spread the robe, and when they removed it, there was
the boy again.

After the magic dance the Cheyenne moved their camp and
hunted buffalo. The wonderful boy and a crowd of other boys went
out by themselves to hunt buffalo calves that might be returning to
the place where they last saw their mothers. They saw five or six
calves, one of which was a two-year-old. The wonderful boy asked
the other boys to surround the calves so that he might kill the two-
year-old. They chased the calves and killed the two-year-old with

March, 1905. The Cheyenne — Dorsey. 43

their bows and arrows. The boys began to skin the buffalo calf
with their bone knives. The wonderful boy told the other boys to
skin it very carefully, for he wanted the skin for his robe. He told
them to skin the whole head, and to leave the hoofs on. While they
were skinning the calf they saw a man coming toward them, driving
a dog team. The man had come to the killing-ground to gather what
bones had been left. When the man saw the boys he went to them.
This man was Young- Wolf, the head chief of the tribe. He said to
the boys, "My children have favored me at last. I shall take charge
of this whole buffalo. You boys can go off, for I have come. You
cannot take this buffalo." All the boys stopped skinning except
the wonderful boy, who told the chief that he wanted only the hide
for his robe, and that the boys were dressing it under his directions.
The chief pushed the wonderful boy aside, but the boy returned
and began skinning again. The chief jerked the boy away, and
threw him down. The boy returned and began skinning again, and
pretended that he was going to skin one of the hind legs, but he cut
the leg off at the knee instead, and left the hoof on. While the chief
was skinning the calf the boy struck him on the back of the head
with the buffalo leg, and instantly killed him. The chief fell to the
ground dead. The boys ran to their camp and told the people what
the wonderful boy had done, and it caused great excitement. All
the warriors assembled and resolved to kill the wonderful boy. They
went out and found the body of their chief, but the wonderful boy
had already returned to the camp with the other boys, and he was
in his grandmother's lodge.* The old wqman was cooking food for
him in an earthen pot. Suddenly the old woman's tipi was raised
completely by the warriors, who had returned from their hunt for
the wonderful boy. The wonderful boy kicked over the cooking
pot, and its contents went into the fire, and as the smoke rose the
boy, by mysterious means, went up with it, and the warriors saw
the old woman sitting there alone. As ^hey looked around they saw
the boy walking off toward the east at a distance of about a quarter
of a mile from them. The warriors pursued him, but could not
approach nearer to him, so they gave up the chase. Four times
they chased him without avail. Early one morning, while one of
the young men was out hunting near their camp, he saw the won-
derful boy down in a ravine, warming himself by a fire he had built.
The young man returned to the camp at once, and notified the war-
riors, who immediately went out and surrounded the ravine. They
saw the fire, but the boy had turned into a wolf, and jumped over
a high bluff and ran away, howling at the crowd. They began to be

44 Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. IX.

afraid of him, for they could do nothing with him, but they still
watched for him every day. One day they saw him appear on the
top of a nearby hill. Every one's attention was attracted, and they
went out to see him. He came to the top of the hill five times, and
each time he was in a different dress. First he appeared in the Red
Shield warrior's dress. He had a head-dress made out of buffalo
skin; he had horns, a spear, a red shield, and two buffalo tails tied
on each arm. The second time he appeared in the Coyote warrior's
dress. His body was painted black and yellow, with two eagle
feathers sticking up on his head. The third time he appeared in
the Dog-Men warrior's dress. He had on a feathered head-dress, an
eagle bone whistle, a rattle of buffalo hoof, and a bow and arrows.
The fourth time he appeared in the dress of the Hoof -Rattle warriors.
His body was painted, and he carried a rattle to sing by. also a spear
about eight feet long, with a crook at one end, the end of the shaft
being bent in semicircular form. The fifth time he appeared with
his body painted white, and on his forehead he wore a white owl
skin.

After his fifth appearance the wonderful boy disappeared en-
tirely. No one knew where he went, and he was soon forgotten,
and people thought him dead. He was gone four years. He traveled
alone into the highest peaks of the mountains. As he drew near to
a certain peak a door opened for him to enter. He passed through
the door into the earth, and the opening closed after him. There
he found men of all tribes, sitting around in a large circle. Each man
represented a tribe, and had a bundle. There was one bundle present
that was unaccompanied, and as the Cheyenne entered all welcomed
him and pointed him to the unoccupied seat under the bundle that
was wrapped in fox skin. Before taking this seat the head man
explained to him what he would expect of his people if he took the
seat under the bundle, which was going to be his to take back to his
people. The head man told him that he would have to stay here
under the earth with them for four years, receiving instructions;
that he was to become the prophet and counsellor of the Cheyenne.
As the Cheyenne followed his instructions and accepted the bundle
all the men gave thanks to him. The Cheyenne sat down, and when
his turn came to perform his bundle ceremony, they took down his
bundle and went through the sacred ceremonies and sacred songs
of his bundle, all in order. When they opened his bundle for him,
there were four medicine-arrows, each arrow representing something.
They gave the young man instructions concerning the order of the
bundle ceremony, and sacred songs in order, prophecies, magic, and

March, 1905. The Cheyenne — Dorsey. 45

material for warfare and hunting, to take back to his people at the
end of his four years' stay-

After the Cheyenne had driven the wonderful boy from their
camp the whole country was visited by a four years' famine. The
people became weak, and were threatened with starvation. All
animals died of starvation. The people ate herbs. One day, as
they were traveling in search of food, five "children lingered behind
in search of herbs and mushrooms. While they were eating them
there appeared the wonderful young man who had been driven from
the camp. The young man said, "My poor children, throw away
those mushrooms. It is I who brought famine among you, for I
was angry at your people, who drove me from their camp. I have
returned to provide for you, so that you shall not hunger in the
future. Go and gather for me some dried buffalo bones and I will
feed you." The boys ran and gathered buffalo bones and brought
them to him. The .^onderful boy made a few passes over them, and
they. were turned into fresh meat, and he fed the children with fat,
marrow, liver, and other parts of the buffalo. When they had eaten
all they wanted he gave them fat and meat and told them to take
it to their people and tell them that he, Motzeyouf, had returned,
and that they should no longer hunger. The boys all ran to the
camp that their parents had made in the mean time. By magic, how-
ever, Motzeyouf reached the camp first. He entered the lodge of his
uncle and lay down to rest, for he was tired. His uncle was sitting
outside his lodge with his wife, and they did not see Motzeyouf enter.
When the Cheyenne heard from the boys what had happened, they
became excited. All went to the lodge where Motzeyouf was.
They came to Motzeyouf's uncle and began to question him, but
his uncle knew nothing of what they said. His uncle's wife went
into the lodge to get *a pipe, and she saw Motzeyouf lying
there, covered with a buffalo robe. She saw that his robe,
shirt, leggins, and moccasins were painted red. She ran out of
the lodge and told the men that some one was in there. The men
guessed that it was Motzeyouf, and they went inside. The uncle
asked the strange man to sit up, and then all cried over him. The
men observed that Motzeyouf had a bundle with him, and, knowing
that he had power, they asked him what they should do. He told
them to camp in a circle, and have a large tipi put up in the center
of the circle. He called all the medicine-men to bring their rattles
and pipes to him. He went to the tipi that was prepared for the
ceremony, and performed the ceremony and sang the sacred songs,
as he had been instructed. When he came to the part relating to

46 FiKi.D Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. IX.

the fourth arrow, and its song, it was night, and the buffalo had
returned. The buffalo came like the roar of thunder, and it frightened
the Cheyenne. They went to Motzeyouf and asked him what to do.
He said, "Go and sleep, for the buffalo, your food, has returned to
you." The buffalo continued to roar like thunder as long as Mot-
zeyouf sang. The next morning the land was covered with buffalo,
and the people went out and killed all they wanted. From that
time forth the Cheyenne had plenty to eat and great power, owing
to the power of the medicine-arrows.

According to the account of Wolf-chief and his ancestors, the
medicine-arrows are from eighteen to twenty generations old. Mot-
zeyouf brought them from the earth.

i8.— THE ORIGIN OF THE SUN-DANCE.

The great Medicine-Dance of the Cheyenne is a devout worship
of the Great Medicine, creator of the universe, ruler of the whole
earth and the heavens, in whose honor are performed, with great
reverence; the rites attendant upon a vow to him. From time im-
memorial the Cheyenne have performed this great ceremony in
honor of the Great Medicine. The great Medicine-lodge proper is
the true symbol of the ancient world, and to this day is so considered
by the old-time Half-Cheyenne (Sutayo), a people distinct and
separate from the Medicine-Arrow Cheyenne, who were the originators
of the dance. This dance represents the creation by the Great
Medicine and the Roaring Thunder of the Above, who is the great
chief of the air and the winds ; it represents the creation of the ancient
animal and vegetable worlds, the earth and all that is on it, the water
and its creatures, the blue sky, the sun, moon, stars, the clouds, the
winds, the thunder, rain, hail, and the rainbow. The great Med-
icine-Dance was performed only in times of pestilence or famine or
great need; for the Great Medicine promised the ancient Cheyenne
that he would replenish the earth and bless the people abundantly
if they would accurately perform the ceremony as he had given it
to them.

In the beginning the Great Medicine, the Dark Clouds, and the
Roaring Thunder revealed this ceremony to Erect-Horns, a medicine-
man who came forth from out the top of a high mountain peak in
the far north. There was famine in all of the northland. Vegetation
withered, the animals starved, the land became barren and dry, and
the ancient Cheyenne were on the verge of starvation, for they had
no food but dried vegetation and their dogs of burden. They left

^B^^f^l^

*^^i:^^i:■£^iJ:^^..iXc■..^:..^ vsi-1

y«

PL. XII. The Cheyenne Journey to the North.

:2S^r^^'^ iCi,.:

K '/•

PL. XIII. Erect-Horns Selects a Companion.

March, 1905. The Cheyenne — Dorsey. 47

the country and went farther north in search of food. See PI. XII.
At evening, when it was nearly dark, they made their camp by a
beautiful stream. The several leaders of the tribe went to the side
of the line and sat down in a semi-circle to watch the tribe as it marched
on towards the stream. As they sat watching the old men, the women,
the children, and the dog teams go by, one of the chiefs ordered the
men to go in pairs to certain women whom they admired, and to beg
food of them. As the men formed in pairs the chiefs called out to
the women to pay attention to the men who were approaching
them. One of the men who begged to be fed was a young med-
icine-man. When his turn came to beg for something to eat
he went alone to a .beautiful woman whom he admired, and had
selected. See PL XIII. She was the wife of the chief of the tribe.
The woman was pleased with him, and she gave him something to
eat. While she stood waiting for him to finish eating the medicine-
man told the woman to make ready in haste, for he had chosen her
for a special purpose, and wanted her to go with him to the far north.
He told her to take her dogs and camp outfit, for they would be gone
about forty days. The woman consented, and they- slipped away
without any one seeing them go.

A day and a night and a day the medicine-man traveled with the
woman, whose five dogs carried the tipi poles and the camping para-
phernalia. The second night they rested. The medicine-man directed
the woman to erect the tipi so that it would face the east, and to make
two sage brush beds. Then he told her that he had received a message
from the Great Medicine of the Above that he should go and bring to
his people the great Medicine-Lodge, the Great Medicine's symbol of
the ancient world, with the promise that, if the people would receive
the ceremony, buffalo and all other animals would make their ap-
pearance, all vegetation would be renewed, and there would be
an end to famine. The next morning they continued their journey,
and in the evening they pitched their tipi. Thus they journeyed
for several days. One day the woman said to the medicine-man,
"Why have you eloped with me? I have yet to receive your atten-
tion." The medicine-man replied, "The medicine-spirits require
your presence with me in order that I may fulfil one of the require-
ments of the great Medicine-Dance of the ancients, that is, to per-
petuate the race through woman. You must be patient until our
return, when I will bestow my affection upon you; but this must not
happen before we enter the mountain to which we are going." Again
they journeyed for several days, until they saw before them a forest,
from whose midst there arose a mountain to the sky; beyond they

48 Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. IX.

saw great waters. See PL XIV. On a beautiful morning they
came to a large rock in front of the mountain. They rolled the rock
aside, and found a passage, which they entered. When they had
entered the rock rolled back in its place and closed them in. They
were in the great lodge of the mountain. The spectacle was won-
derful. To-day the lodge is arranged in the same way. There the
medicine-man and the woman received ceremonial instruction from
the great Medicine, and from the Roaring Thunder, who talked to
them from out the top of the mountain peak. See PI. XV. For
four days the great Medicine taught them, and thus he spoke;
"From henceforth, by following my teachings, you and your children
shall be blessed abundantly; follow my instructions accurately, and
then, when you go forth from this mountain, all of the heavenly
bodies will move. The Roaring Thunder will awaken them, the sun,
moon, stars, and the rain will bring forth fruits of all kinds, all the
animals will come forth behind you from this mountain, and they
will follow you home. Take this horned cap to wear when you per-
form the ceremony that I have given you, and you will control the
buffalo and all other animals. Put the cap on as you go from here
and the earth will bless you."

The medicine-man and the woman came forth from the moun-
tain, and as they stepped out the whole earth seemed to become
new, and there came forth buffalo that followed them. See PI. XVI.
As they marched on, preceded by their dogs, the other animals
moved along behind them, and they watched the man and the woman
continually from the rear. When they camped at night the animals
lay down to rest. In the morning the medicine-man put on his
horned cap, and sang the sacred songs taught him while in the moun-
tain, and then he began the journey home, and the animals followed.
For many days they traveled, until the medicine-man knew that
they were near the camp of his people, who were still by the beautiful
stream. Then he halted, took his horned cap from his head, and
all the animals halted. In the morning he went to the camp of his
people, and told them that he had returned with the bufifalo, so that
they should no longer suffer from hunger. He at once ordered that
the great Medicine-Lodge dance should be performed, exactly as
it was taught him in the mountain. When the Cheyenne saw the
medicine-man wearing the horned cap, they namfed him "Erect-
Horns," for when he wore the cap the horns stood erect.

The tribe has preserved the cap to this day, just as the great
medicine-arrows are preserved by the original Medicine-Arrow
Cheyenne, and the man who takes the vow to give the dance wears

PL. XIV. THEY DISCOVER THE SACRED MOUNTAIN.

at .. -.i '.'Sr SEa'. 1*

PL, XV. They Receive Instruction from the Great Medicine.

. V

PL. XVI. They Leave the Mountain, Followed by Buffalo.

«?

FIELD COLUMBIAN MUSEUM.

ANTHROPOLOGY, PL. XVII.

V-

^r.

TMEAMCIENT

GHEYErinE GAMP GIR.GLE

5HOWING the: positions OFTHETWO

GREAT AND 0I5TINCT ANCIENT BAM031

THE MEDICine ARROW CHEYEMNES

PROPER tJ\o THE SUTAYO or BUFFALO

CAP LODGE ( SUN DANCE)

CMEYtn«ES

0
Of

A A

.x^^

.1^''

^ AAA

9^'

PL. XVII. The Ancient Cheyenne Camp-Circle.

.3J0«10-SMA0 3MH3Y3HD TH3I0KA 3MT .HVX

March, 1905. The Cheyenne — Dorsey. 49

the cap. All the men who have heretofore pledged and performed
the great Medicine-Lodge dance since the time of Erect-Horns have
been leaders of other medicine-dances, and such medicine-men may
become leaders in several dances in succession.

There are two distinct bands of the Cheyenne, the old-time North-
ern Cheyenne, whose symbol is the great Medicine-Dance brought
by Erect-Horns. See PI. XVII. Their language is somewhat differ-
ent from that of the other Cheyenne, with whom they once warred.
The other band is the original Medicine- Arrow Cheyenne, whose
emblem was the great Medicine- Arrows brought by Motzeyouf
(Standing-Medicine), the great Medicine-Arrow Prophet. Standing-
Medicine and Erect-Horns are regarded as messengers from the
Great Medicine and the Roaring Thunder, because of their wonderful
powers and gifts; and they are both represented in the great Med-
icine-Lodge. Of the two forks of the great center-pole of the Med-
icine-Lodge, one represents the Medicine-Arrow Prophet, or Standing-
Medicine, and the other Erect-Horns, the great Medicine-Lodge
dancer.

. At a certain time in the progress of the Medicine-Dance, the med-
icine-men direct the children to go and get mud and fashion it into
the form of buffalo two or three inches in height. Those children
who go after the mud return and sit outside the front of the lodge
and make images of buffalo, elk, deer, antelope, and birds, in pairs.
When they have completed the images, they are directed by the
medicine-men to bring them into the lodge and place them around
the base of the center fork. Thus they represent the buflfalo and
other animals that the Medicine-Arrow Prophet and Erect-Horns
brought with them from the earth. This the Cheyenne do at every
medicine-dance, hoping that, as in ancient times, the buffalo will
come during the performance of the dance. Long ago, after the
disappearance of the two great medicine-men, the medicine-men
would sing the songs that were taught them by Erect-Horns during
the ceremony, and by the charm of the songs all the animals would
appear, running up to see the lodge.

There was a time when the Cheyenne captured human beings and
tied them to the center-pole as a sacrifice, in order that the tribe might
be blessed and might procure favor.

III. CONCLUSION.

In presenting a resume of the more important points contained
in the foregoing pages, we may first examine the myths, with the
special idea of seeing how far they account for the rites of the cere-
monies. The first myth, called the Origin of the Cheyenne, is in
reality not an origin myth at all; for not only is the origin of any-
thing not explained, but there is no statement of the facts of begin-
nings. The myth rather may be termed a tale of migration, and
as such presents nothing which may be held to bear directly upon
the social organization. One point in the tale, however, is worth
noting, namely, that which relates to the belief in a hairy race of
men who lived in the Southwest in the caves and cliffs. Such refer-
ences are rather common in the plains mythology. One other inter-
esting fact may be noted in this tale, namely, the distinction implied
between medicine-men as physicians or healers, and medicine-men as
wonder-workers or magicians; a distinction which the Cheyenne still
maintain.

In the second myth presented, also entitled an origin myth, the
scene of the early Cheyenne is again laid in the Far North, across
a body of water. Being hard pressed by an overwhelming body of
the enemy, they are led out of their difficulties by a medicine-man
who makes use of the gaming wheel. Their movement is directed
by fire, which precedes them until they come to a body of water,
whereupon the medicine-man makes a dry path and leads them
south into a country of abundant game. At this time the tribe was
physically strong, but weak minded. The country was infested with
the usual monsters. While continuing southward they were over-
taken by a flood, part of the tribe being cut off and supposed to
exist still in the North. It is impossible from the tale itself 'to asso-
ciate the culture hero with Motzeyouf, or Standing-Medicine, but it
is not unreasonable to suppose that he was the same.

In the next tale, which explains the origin of the buffalo and
corn, we have presumably the same tale as that which is sometimes
told to explain the origin of the Sun-Dance lodge. Two young men,
dressed alike, encounter each other at a wheel and javelin game.
They compare notes and find that each has visited a spring that

March, 1905. The Cheyenne — Dorsey. 51

flows from the hillside near by, where each has received instructions.
Then they entered the spring together and encountered the mythical
grandmother, who gave the magic food which they took to their
people, and that night the buffalo came forth from the mountain.

In the next tale, which relates the origin of the medicine-arrows,
we have an account of the culture hero, who at an early age mani-
fested extraordinary powers as a medicine-man of the wonder-
working type. Continuing, the tale relates how he slew a mean chief,
fled to his grandmother's lodge and made his escape in the vapor
arising from an overturned vessel over the fire. He was pursued,
four times transformed himself into a wolf, and later reappeared at
the camp on five different occasions, each time dressed in a different
costume and his body differently painted. Thus he laid the founda-
tion of the five warrior societies. He then disappeared for a period
of four years, during which time he visited a high mountain peak,
was admitted to the lodge in its center and there, during the four
years, obtained instruction. At the end he was given a bundle
containing the sacred arrows and received full instructions concern-
ing the arrow ceremony. He returned to his tribe, which in the
mean time was slowly starving, and performed the medicine-arrow cere-
mony, which caused the buffalo to appear. This culture hero, called
"Standing-Medicine, or Standing Sweet-Grass (Motzeyouf), is also
referred to in No. 2 of this series, in the account of the medicine-
harrow ceremony. There, as here, he is culture hero of a tale which
has a fairly wide distributio'n over the plains,, and is often entitled
The Poor Boy and the Mean Chief. After slaying the mean chief in a
fit of anger, he goes to a mountain and returns with four arrows. He
then organizes the tribe, placing the guardians of the arrows first,
then the medicine-men, the chiefs, and finally the warriors. These
he organizes into five distinct societies. He was hot only an organ-
izer, but a prophet, and foretold many things.

The last myth, entitled The Origin of the Sun-Dance, relates to
a culture hero having many elements in common with Standing-
Medicine. This culture hero belonged to the so-called Half-Cheyenne,
or Sutayo band, and later came to be known as Erect-Horns. The
scene of the tale is in the North, where famine prevails. The tribe
is camped in a circle. Being commanded by the chief to perform
a ceremony in pairs, one of the men — the culture hero — selects the
wife of the chief of the tribe, and with her he sets out on a forty -
day journey. During this time they fast and finally arrive at a
forest in the midst of which is a lofty mountain. They enter the
mountain by means of a door, and find that the interior resembles

52 Field Columbian Museum — Anthrofology, Vol. IX.

a Sun-Dance lodge. There for four days they receive instructions
from the Great Medicine, and a buffalo cap is given them, which
they are to wear during the ceremony. As they leave the mountain
the earth seems reanimated, and buffalo follow them. They return
to their tribe, who are starving, perform the Sun-Dance ceremony,
and the buffalo appear.

Thus it appears that the tales collectively furnish us an account
of two culture heroes, or one culture hero with two names, who left
the camp, visited a mountain, witnessed a ceremony, obtained a
bundle, returned to the camp and performed a ceremony as it had
been witnessed, with the result that the tribe was rescued from
famine at that particular time and was furnished means for warding
off famine and their enemies in the future. There is no word of
explanation as to why the ceremony was given or how it was origi-
nated in the true sense of the word. Standing-Medicine and Erect-
Horns simply bring to the people a special medicine, in the form
of a ceremony which they had witnessed and in which they had
been instructed by supernatural beings.

From a consideration of the myths, or the ritualistic side, we turn
to consider the organization, as we find it with its attending cere-
monies and rites. In the first section we have a brief account of
the journey of Standing-Medicine, with a description of the arrows,
two of which are known as "man-arrows" and two as "buffalo-
arrows," so-called from their efficacy in calling buffalo, or in destroy-
ing enemies. Then follows a necessarily incomplete description of
the medicine-arrow ceremony, which may be summarized as follows:

First Day. The pledger, or one who has vowed to make the
ceremony, erects his tipi in the center of the camp circle. To this
tipi offerings or sacrifices are made. The warrior societies decide
upon the place to erect the medicine- arrow lodge proper. The
medicine-men now occupy this tipi, while the warrior societies police
the camp.

Second Day. The pledger, with three men, removes the offer-
ings from the sacrifice tipi to the medicine-arrow lodge. They then
go to the tipi of the keeper of the medicine-arrow bundle and bring
the bundle to the medicine-arrow lodge. The bundle is opened,
and should they require it, the assistant arrow-keepers prepare the
arrows.

Third Day. Tally sticks are provided, each representing a Chey-
^ enne family ; incense is burned during the entire day in the medicine-
arrow lodge. The medicine-men throughout the camp devote their
time to renovating and preparing their individual medicines.

March, 1905. The Cheyenxe — Dorsey. 53

Fourth Day. The bundle of sacred arrows is taken by the assistant
arrow-keepers and attached to a pole which is erected in front of the
medicine-arrow lodge. The presents or offerings are brought out
and laid by the pole. The arrows may now be inspected by every
male of whatsoever age in the tribe. As they are inspected, addi-
tional offerings are made. After the inspection the warriors raze
the medicine-arrow lodge and re-erect it over the present site of the
bundle, and it is now called the prophet's lodge. The medicine-
arrows are now returned to the arrow-keeper. On the night of this
day all the medicine-men, including the pledger, or prophet, as he
is now called, enter the prophet's lodge and sing the traditional
songs, after which the prophet prophesies. At about three o'clock
in the morning the lodge is uncovered, the keeper and medicine-
men return to the site of the tipi erected on the first day, and known
as the sacrifice tipi, where a sweat lodge has been erected. During
the sweat bath they chant four times and remove their paint, and
the ceremony is at an end.

Sections 2, 3 and 4 of this memoir relate to the duties of the keeper
and the assistant keepers of the medicine-arrows and of the medicine-
men and their relation to the keeper of the arrows.

The next section is devoted to the chiefs and describes the cere-
monies and rites attendant upon the election of new chiefs. The
camp circle is formed. A bundle, known as the chief's bundle, is
opened by the medicine-arrow keepers, and forty tally sticks, known
as the chief's sticks, are erected. The chiefs select five men, one
from each of the important Cheyenne bands. These men are brought
to the lodge and seated in a certain position, a chief's stick being
placed in front of each new member. Then the old chiefs in a body
bring in the other thirty -five men whom they have selected as new
chiefs, the medicine-men erecting a stick in front of each one. All
are now seated and the chiefs' pipe is smoked. Then one of the
four assistant arrow-keepers addresses the newly appointed chiefs
on their duties and instructs them, and appoints four of the number
of the retiring chiefs, generally medicine-men, to serve as advisors.
These advisors are also the medicine-arrow keepers, and are so
selected that one represents a magic-working medicine-man, the
second a pledger of the arrow ceremony, or prophet, the third a Sun-
Dance priest, and the fourth a pledger of the buffalo ceremony.

The remainder of this memoir, except the last section, is devoted
to the warrior societies. These in general are similar to the societies
of the Arapaho, but are different from the Arapaho in certain fea-
tures. Thus, they are not graduated in rank as are the Arapaho,

54 Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. IX.

but a member of any age may become a member of any one of the
societies. Each society is controlled by a chief and seven assistants.
Each society has certain paints, costumes, songs, and characteristic
dances. Four of the societies admit four maidens to their lodge;
these, as a rule, are daughters of chiefs. The first society is known
as the Red Shield Warriors, the name being derived from the fact
that each carries a large red shield of buffalo hide, so cut as to retain
the tail of the buffalo in the form of a pendant. From the fact
that they wore a head-dress of the scalp of the buffalo they are some-
times called the Buffalo Warriors. The belt of their costume is
suggestive of the Arapaho Lance or Clubboard Society. The lance
which they carry, however, is suggestive of the weapon used by the
Arapaho Tomahawk Society.

Second in order is the Hoof -rattle, or Dew-claw society, so called
because each warrior carried a rattle in the form of a shaft, with
dew-claw pendants. The general emblem of the society was an elk
horn musical instrument, shaped in the form of a snake. This was
held over a piece of rawhide, which acted as a resonator, and the
noise to accompany the songs and dancing was produced by drawing
over it a deer's scapula. The nearest approach to this society among
the Arapaho is the Tomahawk.

. The Coyote society, or Coyote Warriors, derive their narrie from
the fact that the members imitate the coyote and that the emblem
of the society is a coyote skin. This society may be compared with
the Star or Kit-Fox of the Arapaho.

The Dog-men society is said to be the largest among the Cheyenne,
and includes in its number half of the males of the tribe. Formerly
they controlled the entire tribe. They, like the Arapaho Dog-soldiers,
wear scarfs which trail to the ground and represent degrees. Also,
like the Arapaho society of the same name, they wear whistles hung
about their necks and use rattles with porcupine quills and dew-claw
pendants. In the account of the origin of the society it is related
how the society was formed with the assistance of the dogs of the
camp.

The fifth society is known as the Inverted, or Bow-string warriors.
It is peculiar in the fact that it has no chief and there are no degrees.
It is, strictly speaking, a warrior society, and the members are sup-
posed to be always ready for war. The emblem of the society is a
peculiarly constructed bow-spear. The characteristic features of the
society are similar to those of the Lime Crazy society of the Arapaho,
inasmuch as their speech and action reverse the usual order. Another
point of similarity is to be noted in their head-dress.

March, 1905. The Cheyenne — Dorsey. 55

The last society, said to have originated within recent times, was
founded by Owl-man, and is known as the Wolf society. In the
mythological account of this society it is related how Owl-man was
rescued from perishing of cold by wolves, who took him to their
lodge and gave him the ceremony. Each warrior carries a spear
and wears a cape made of wolf-skin.

The last section of Part I. is devoted to the Sun-Dance. Inas-
much as this subject is to receive special treatment in the second
number of this volume, comment is deferred until that tirhe.

Field Columbian Museum

Publication 103

Anthropological Series Vol. IX, No. 2

THE CHEYENNE

George A. Dorsey

Curator, Department of Anthropology

II. THE SUN DANCE

Chicago, U. S. A.

May, 1905

THE SUN DANCE

By
George A. Dorsey

CONTENTS.

Page

Introductory note ....._..-. xiii

PART I.— GENERAL OBSERVATIONS.

Name of the ceremony --------- ^y

The vow ------------ 57

Interval between the vow and the ceremony ----- 58

Time and duration of the ceremony - - - - - - - 59

The assemblage and formation of the camp-circle - - - - 61

The participants ---------- 62

Synopsis of the ceremony by days ------ 5^

PART II.— THE CEREMONY.

Preliminary days ------.--. 66

July eighth ---------- 66

July ninth ----------- 66

July tenth ---------- 66

The First Day ----------- 67

The Warriors '-tipi --------- 67

The Priests'-tipi ---------- 68

Selection of chief priest ------- 68

The Second Day ---------- 69

The morning feast --------- 69

The Lodge-maker invites the priests - - - - - - 70

The Cheyenne and Arapaho social dance - - - - - 70

The office of Crier --------- yj

The Lone-tipi ---------- 72

The barren earth --------- 72

Assembling of the Lone-tipi priests ----- ^^

The pipe tamper and cleaner - - - - - - - 73

The first earth --------- y^

Smoking the red pipe -------- y^

Filling the sacred pipe ------- y^

Painting the sacred pipe -------- 78

The second earth -------- ^^

Painting the Crier --------- 80

The announcement -------- 81

Sacrifice of food and the feast ------- 82

Events outside the Lone-tipi ------- 82

The Spy for the center-pole - - - - - - - 82

Selecting the site of the lodge ------ 83

vi Contents

Page

The Third Day ----------- 83

Secret rites outside the Lone-tipi ------ 84

Wolf-Face selects the center- pole tree, 1901 - - - - 84

The priests search for a larger earth ----- 84

The third earth --------- 85

The return to the Lone-tipi ------- 87

Secret rites in the Lone-tipi - - - - -- - 88

The fourth earth --------- 89

The sacrifice and feast -------- 89

Spy for the center-pole chosen ------ go

Smoking the red pipe -------- qo

The buffalo skull - - - - 91

The fifth earth --------- 91

The Rehearsal --------- 92

The Fourth Day ---------- q2

Secret rites in the Lone-tipi ------- ^2

The Lodge-maker's robe .-.---- g^

The feast and preparation of the priests. ----- g^

The woman's belt --------- 94

The Lodge-maker's head-dress ------ gj

The woman's skirt --------- 95

The Lodge-maker's whistle ------- 96

Preparing the buffalo skull ------- q6

The center-pole image -------- 97

The drum-stick rattles -------- 98

Filling the sacred pipe -------- 98

Painting the sacred pipe - - - - - - - 100

The earth-peg and fire -spoon - - - - - - loi

The noonday feast -------- 102

The enemy arrow -------- 102

Painting the earth-peg - - - - - - - - 103

The arrow and the earth-peg ------ 104

Painting the Lodge-maker and his wife - - - - - 104

The priests prepare to leave the Lone-tipi - - - - 106

The Lone-tipi is abandoned - - - - - - - 107

Public rites of the forenoon - - - - - - - 108

Counting coup at the site of the center-pole - - - - 108

Timbers for the Sun Dance lodge . - - - . 109

The Lodge-maker invites the warrior societies - - - - no

The center-pole - - - - - - - - - iii

The hole for the center-pole - - - - - - - 112

The completion of the Sun Dance lodge - - - - - 113

Painting the lodge poles - - - - - - - 114

The fork of the center-pole - - - - - - - 116

Raising the center-pole - - - - - - - 118

The completion of the lodge - - - - - - - 12c

The priests enter the lodge - - - - - - - 120

Contents vii

Page

Evening rites in the Sun Dance lodge - - - - - - 121

Rehearsal and informal smoking -- - - - - 121

The dedication of the lodge - - - - - - - 122

Preparation ---------- 124

The dancers assemble - - - - - - - - 124

Filling the sacred pipe - - - - - - - 125

Thurification - - - - - - - - - 126

First songs - - - - - - - - - 126

Second songs - - - - - - - - - 126

The rawhide parflesh - - - - - - - - 127

Third songs - - - - - - - - - 127

Hand and arm drill - - - - - - - - 127

Fourth songs - - - - - - - - - 127

Fifth songs - - - - - - - - - 128

Sixth songs - - - - - - - - - 129

Seventh and eighth songs - - - - - - 129

The Chief Priest and the Lodge-maker's wife - - - - - 130

The beginning of the dance - - - - - - -131

The Fifth Day ----------- 132

The erection of the altar - - - - - - - - 132

The excavation - - - - - - - - - 133

Preparation of the altar sticks ------ 1^4

Securing the sods - - - - - - - - - 135

The semi-circle and altar foliage ----- 140

The dry sand painting - - - - - - - - 142

The rainbow sticks -------- 144

The men sticks - - - - - - - - - 145

Filling the sacred pipe - - - - - - - 147

The dancers are painted, first paint - - - - - - 147

The feast and sacrifice of food - - - - - - 149

Piercing the children's ears - -- - - - - 150

Final preparation of the dancers - - - - - - 151

Thurifying the rawhide - - - - - - - - 152

The first dance - - - - - - - - - 152

The second paint - - - - - - - - - 154

The Sixth Day ---------- 156

The sunrise dance - - - - - - - - - - iS7

The third paint - - - - - - - - - i57

The fourth paint ---------- 160

The fifth paint --------- 161

The Chief Priest dances with the Lodge-maker - - - - 161

The final dance ---------- 162

Breaking the fast - - - - - - - - - 163

Smoking the sacred pipe -------- 164

The sweat bath - --------- 165

The fate of the Sun Dance lodge ------ 166

viii Contents

PART 111.— PAINTS WORN BY THE DANCERS.

Page

Paints worn by the Lodge-maker's wife - - - - - - 167

Paints worn by the Lodge-maker - - - - - - - 168

Prescribed or regular paints -------- 169

1. The Yellow paint - - - - - - - - - 169

2. The Pink paint --------- j^o

3. The White or Hail paint - - - - - - - 170

a. The green-White paint ------- 170

b. The white-White paint - - - - - - - 171

4. The Black, Cyclone, or Dragon-Fly paint - - - - 172
a. The green-Black paint - - - - - - - 172

c. The white-Black paint - - - - - - - 173

Special paints worn in 1903 - - - - - - - - 173

Paints worn by the Arapaho - - - - - - - 174

PART IV.— TORTURE.

Ancient forms of torture - - - - - - - - - 175

The torture incidents of 1 903 - - - - - - - 177

PART v.— CONCLUSION.

Plate

XVIII.

XIX.

XX.

XXI.

XXII.

XXIII.

XXIV.

XXV.

XXVI.

XXVII.

XXVIII.

XXIX.

XXX.

XXXI.

XXXII.

XXXIII.

XXXIV.

XXXV.

XXXVI.

XXXVII.

XXXVIII.

XXXIX.

XL.

XLI.

XLII.

XLIII.

XLIV.

XLV.

XLVI.

XLVII.

XLVIII.

XLIX.

LI.

LII.

LIII.
LIV.

ILLUSTRATIONS.

The Lodge-maker, on the Fourth day

The camp-circle ------

Sun Dance priests -----

Arrival of bands at the camp-circle - - -

Cheyenne and Arapaho social dance
Cheyenne and Arapaho social dance - - -

The Lone-tipi ------

Filling the sacred pipe - - - . -

Preparing the fire-spoon and earth-peg
Priests abandoning the Lone-tipi - - -

Leaders of societies in ceremonial attire
Counting coup at site of center-pole
Warrior societies parading - - - -

Bringing in the timbers for the lodge
The Lodge-maker inviting the societies
Building the Sun Dance lodge - - -

Building the Sun Dance lodge - - -

Painting the lodge poles - - - -

Painting the lodge poles . - . .
The earth-peg and the Thunder- Bird's nest
Raising the center-pole - - - -

Raising the center-pole - - - -

The priests entering the Sun Dance lodge
The bed of the Lodge-maker's wife
Priests making the excavation . - -
Priests going after the altar sod - . .

The priest preparing the hands of Sage-Woman
Priests inserting the altar foliage - - -

The altar -------

The grandfathers painting the dancers

A costumed dancer -----

Women bringing food for the feast

Fig. a. Woman bringing bed into the lodge

Fig. b. The Lodge-maker offering food -

Thurifying the rawhide . - - -

Fig. a. Priest folding the rawhide - - -

Fig. b. Lodge-maker with fire-spoon -

Fig. c. Lodge-maker carrying the rawhide

Scenes inside the lodge . - - -

Fig. a. Exchanging presents . - .

Fig. b. Chief announcing a present

Fig. c. Old chief and wife making love -

Line of dancers at noon, last day

General view of the Sun Dance lodge

134,

Page

57
62

63
66
67

[OI

[08
[09
[09
10
: 10

15
>5
17
19
19
:2i

24
^33
135
135
[40
146
[48
[49
[49
t49
tSo
52
52
152
:52
o7
^57
t57
'57
t6o
160

Illustrations

Plate

LV.

LVI.

LVII.

LVIII.

LIX.

LX.

LXI.

LXII.

LXIII.

LXIV.

LXV.

LXVI.

LXVII.

LXVIII.

Lodge-maker's wife, first paint
Lodge-maker's wife, second paint
Lodge-maker's wife, fourth and fifth paints
Lodge-maker, second paint
The Yellow^ paint -----
The Pink paint - - . .

The green-White or Hail paint
The white- White or Hail paint
The green-Black or Cyclone paint -
The white-Black or Cyclone paint
Special paint -----

Special paint -----
Special paint -----

First paint of the Arapaho
Second paint of the Arapaho - - -

Third and fourth paints of the Arapaho
Sun Dance torture, to center pole . - -

Torture by means of skulls attached to back
Torture by skewers in cheeks - . - -

Torture, fulfilling a dream - - . -

Ancient tribal torture marks - - - -

Torture incident of 1903 - - - - .

Fig. a.
Fig. b.
Fig. a.
Fig. b.
Fig. a.
Fig.
Fig.
Fig.
Fig.
Fig.
Fig. a.
Fig. b.
Fig. a.
Fig. b.
Fig. a.
Fig. b.

Figure

9-
10.
1 1.

12.

13-
14.

15-
16.

17-
18.
19.

20.

21.
22.

23-
24-
25-
26.

27-

The Lodge-maker, 1901

Section of the camp-circle - - . -

Section of the camp-circle, 1901

Arrival of a band at the camp-circle

Parade of the Dew-claw Rattle society -

The Warriors '-tipi ------

The Lodge-maker inviting priests

Social dance -------

Spectators at social dance - - - -

War-bonnets exposed to the sun - . .

Women removing Warriors '-tipi - - -

The cleared earth in the Lone-tipi - - -

A priest on his way to the Lone-tipi
Diagram of Lone-tipi - - - . -

Sacred pipe ------

Lone-tipi priest smoking sacred pipe

Chief Priest preparing to form the earth

The Chief Priest preparing Lodge-maker's hands

The pipe-tampers and new earth - - -

The Lodge-maker taking up the sacred bundle

The Lone-tipi priests in line . - -

Chief Priest assisting the Lodge-maker

Diagram of Lodge-maker's robe - - -

Cedar-Tree preparing the woman's belt

The buffalo skull -----

The buflfalo-skuU altar in the Lone-tipi

The rawhide human eflfigy - - - -

Page
167
167
168
168
169
169
171

171
172
172
173
173
174
174
174
174
176
176
176
177
177
179

S8
60
61
61
67
68
70
71
71
71
72

72
73
75
76

85
8S
86

87
87
87
88

94
95
97
97
98

Illustrations

Figure
28.

Filling the sacred pipe - - - . -

Picking up the bowl of the sacred pipe -
Painting the sacred pipe - - - - -

Painting the sacred pipe . - . -

The fire-spoon ------

The earth-peg ------

The Lodge-maker, in ceremonial costume
The Lodge-maker's wife in ceremonial costume
The Lodge-maker's wife carrying buflfalo skull -
The priests abandoning the Lone-tipi
Lodge-maker's wife depositing the buflfalo skull
The Lone-tipi priests -----

The Lodge-maker at end of line of priests
Women with head-dresses and lances of willow
A warrior society en route to the timber
Preparing the timbers for the lodge
Erecting the lodge ------

The chiefs bringing in the center-pole
Digging the hole for the center-pole
Spectators making offerings - - -

Making an oflfering to the buflfalo skull
Priests smoking oflfering pipes
Painting the center-pole - - - - -

Placing the brush in the fork of the center-pole
Making oflferings to the fork of the center-pole
Lodge-maker's wife picking up the pipe
Raising the center-pole - - - - -

Completing the Sun Dance lodge

The Lodge-maker's wife carrying the skull

The priests entering the Sun Dance lodge, 1901

Musicians within the Sun Dance lodge

The chiefs selecting leaders - - - -

Diagram of lodge - - - - -

Priests decorticating altar sticks - - -

Priests leaving the lodge for the sods
The Lodge-maker's wife and Sage- Woman
Diagram of sods ------

Priest outlining sods -----

The fifth piece of sod - - - . -

Sage- Woman and the Lodge-maker's wife
The Lodge-maker's wife placing the sods -
Diagram of position of sods and skull
Priests making the semi-circle of earth
Chief Priest directing the Lodge-maker
Lodge-maker's wife picking up the digging stick
Lodge-maker's wife with the altar foliage
Lodge-maker's wife completing altar foliage
Preparing the dry-sand picture
Preparing the rainbow sticks - - - -

Inserting the rainbow sticks - . .

Page

99
99

[OO
[OI
[OI
[02

[06
[O7
[O7
[08
[08

to8

[09

: I 2
12
13
13
14
15
17

'34

'36

136

'37
^37

38
'38
'39

39
[40
[41

141
[42

'43
'44

145

xii Illustrations

Figure ♦ Page

78. Decorticating the men sticks ------- 145

79. Attaching downy feathers to the altar sticks - - - - 146

80. A dancer receiving his paint - - - - - - - 147

81. Priest repainting the Lodge-maker's robe - - - - i^g

82. The bed in the lodge - - - - - - - - 149

83. Women removing the bed from the lodge - - - - 150

84. A dancer sacrificing food - - - - - - - - 150

85. Costumed dancers, 1901 ------- j^i

86. Costumed dancer - - - - - - - - - 152

87. Dancers whistling toward the center-pole, 1901 - - - j^^

88. Dancers washing off the paint - - - - - - 153

89. Dancers washing off the paint ------ 1^4

90. Arapaho dancer taking up willow pole - - - - - 154

91. Pipes carried by the Arapaho dancers - - - - - 155

92. Arapaho dancers in line -------- 156

93. Lodge-maker sacrificing to the altar ----- 158

94. Woman removing bed from the lodge - - - - - 159

95. Diagram of lodge showing positions of sage - - - - 160

96. Chief Priest wearing gifts of blankets - - - - - 161

97. Chief Priest dancing by side of Lodge-maker - - - 161

98. Chief Priest and Lodge-maker dancing by center-pole - - 162

99. Altar, after partial destruction by Lodge-maker - - - 162
100. Final dance, line facing the east - - - - - - 162

loi. Final dance, led by Chief Priest ------ 163

102. The emetic ---------- 164

103. The abandoned lodge -------- 165

104. Dancers wearing the white Cyclone paint - - - - 173

105. Diagram showing method of attaching torture thongs - - 179

106. Individual with thongs attached to back - - - - - 179

107. Dragging buffalo skulls attached to back - - - - 179

108. Priest removing the skewers - - - - - - - 180

INTRODUCTORY NOTE.

This account of the Cheyenne Sun Dance is the second of a series
of reports resulting from a study of the Sun Dance of the Plains tribes,
that of the Arapaho having been the first. The method of treatment
of the ceremony under consideration follows somewhat closely that
of my account of the Arapaho ceremony.*

I first witnessed the Cheyenne Sun Dance in 1901, at which time
it was held on the north fork of the Washita River, a few miles from
Watanga. The second Sun Dance which I witnessed, in 1903, was
held a few miles east of Eagle City, also on the north fork of the
Washita. The Sun Dance held in 1902 near the town of Calumet I
did not witness. The ceremony was not pledged for the year 1904,
and it is possible that it will never again be pledged, owing to the
unwarranted and unjust notoriety given the ceremony of 1903 by
false reports concerning certain events of the ceremony, made by
John H. Segar, United States Indian Agent, of Colony, Oklahoma,
to the Commissioner of Indian Affairs.

During the performance of 1901 I was given authority by a council
of chiefs to witness all the rites of the ceremony, and I remained
throughout this performance, using De Forest Antelope as inter-
preter and Bushy-Head, a well-known medicine-man from the King-
fisher district, as chief informant. At that time my knowledge of
the Cheyenne was slight; it was impossible, therefore, for me to make
close observations of the rites in the Lone-tipi. I spent the greater
part of the three preliminary days of the ceremony in obtaining
from Bushy-Head such information as to the meaning of the cere-
mony as he could furnish. The ceremony of 1901 was unsatisfactory
from the facts that the rites of the Lone-tipi were much hurried and
that the number of dancers was small, and the ceremony came to an
abrupt end.

The ceremony of 1903 was, from the point of view of the Indians
themselves, entirely satisfactory; for, although the United States
Agent at Cantonment had made the foolish threat that he would
stop the ceremony by calling out the troops, yet the assurance given
them that they had a legal right to their ceremony and that no
one could lawfully interfere with a religious performance caused
them to feel at ease and the priests and dancers entered into the

*Cf. The Arapaho Sun Dance, Field Columbian Museum, Anthropological Series, Vol. IV.

xiv P'lELD Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. IX.

ceremony with enthusiasm. In connection with neither the first nor
second ceremony was there any disturbance by either spectators or
by the Indians themselves; in fact, it would be difficult to conceive
of a gathering of white people, even for religious purposes, of such
large numbers, conducting themselves in a more orderly manner.
The true spirit of the ceremony of 1903 was especially heightened
by the fact that the Indians restricted the number of white spec-
tators, and the ceremony was therefore largely devoid of the element
of a spectacle for pay, such as is characteristic at times of certain
large Indian gatherings of this nature.

By the time of the ceremony of 1903 I was much better acquainted
with the leading men of the tribe and was given every facility for
observing the rites of the ceremony, both secret and public, under
very favorable circumstances. My interpreter at this time was
Richard Davis, who proved competent, and who manifested great
interest and enthusiasm in his work. The priests of the Lone-tipi,
at their first session and at my request, appointed one of their num-
ber, a well-known chief and Sun Dance priest, by the name of Roman-
Nose-Warrior, who should devote his time to me. This arrangement
proved quite satisfactory, and to the interest manifested by him and
to his effort that I misunderstand no detail of the ceremony, I am
greatly indebted. Mr. James Mooney of the Bureau of Ethnology,
was also present at this ceremony, and he improved the opportunity
for obtaining information from the chiefs for use in certain inves-
tigations which he was conducting for this Institution.

All the photographs herewith produced, except a few made by
Mr. Carpenter, the photographer of this museum, or by Mr. Mooney,
were made by myself during the ceremony. When not otherwise
indicated, it will be understood that the illustrations are from photo-
graphs made by me in 1903.

The narrative part of this account will follow the ceremony of
1903, which was far more complete than that of 1901, and which
was studied in greater detail. Where the 1901 ceremony differed
materially from that of 1903 it will be noted.

George A. Dorsey.

May I. 1905.

;> »

/It/

FIELD COLUMBIAN MUSEUM.

ANTHROPOLOGY, PL. XVIII.

PL. XVIII. The Lodge-maker, on the Fourth Day.

PART I.— GENERAL OBSERVATIONS.

Before considering the detailed rites of the ceremony as they are
enacted during the successive days that constitute the performance
it is necessary to explain briefly certain preliminary events connected
with the ceremony, such as its name, time, duration, etc.

NAME OF THE CEREMONY.

The name given by the Cheyenne to the Sun Dance is the New-
Life-lodge. According to the interpretation of the priest, the name
means not only the lodge of new life, or lodge of new birth, but it is
also the new life itself. The performance of the ceremony is sup-
posed to re-create, to re-form, to re-animate the earth, vegetation,
animal life, etc. ; hence it would not be inappropriate to speak of the
Sun Dance as the ceremony of rebirth or of the renaissance. Addi-
tional information as to the significance of the name of the ceremony
may be found in the following remarks made by a priest in answer to
a question as to the meaning of the word: "Formerly this dance
represented only the creation of the earth. The Cheyenne grew care-
less and combined other things with the ceremony. At the time of
the Lone-tipi, though everything is barren, the earth is beginning to
grow. Now it has grown. Thus they make the earth, buffalo wal-
low, grease, wool, and sinew to make growth. By the time of the
end of the lodge things have grown, people have become happy; the
world has reached its full growth, and people rejoice. When they
use the bone whistle they are happy like the eagle, which is typical
of all birds and of all happiness."

THE VOW.

The Sun Dance of the Cheyenne, like that of the Arapaho, but
unlike that of the Siouan tribes, is the direct result of a vow or pledge
made by a single individual. The ceremony of 1903 was pledged by
an individual by the name of Little-Hawk (see PI. XVIII.), whose
wife is one of the medicine-women of the tribe. It seems that shortly
after the ceremony of 1902 Little-Hawk's child was taken suddenly
and violently ill, and at that time he vowed that he would, on the fol-
lowing year, give the ceremony.

The ceremony of 1901 was the direct result of a vow made by

S8 FiKi.D Coi.UMiiiAN Museum — ANTHRoroLocY, Vol. IX.

the wife of Pappai (see Fig. i),
who, during a thunderstorm,
saw a bolt of lightning coming
directly toward her.

It appears that vows for
the preservation of the life of
a member of the pledger's
family is now the chief reason
for the pledge, and this prob-
ably has been the most fre-
quent occasion of the vow in
the past. Other reasons, how-
ever, are assigned as causes for
making the vow. Thus it is
said, for example, that when
men have been hard pressed
while on the war-path, and it seemed not possible for them to
escape the enemy, they have vowed to give the ceremony should
they be permitted to escape. Again, it is said that on certain
occasions men have been out in a storm and it seemed as if the light-
ning were about to strike them, and in fact, so it is believed, the
lightning would have struck them had they not instantly pledged
the ceremony.

A man may pledge the ceremony more than cnce. It is said of
one individual that he made the lodge four times. Tall-Man, the
Chief Priest in 1901, made the ceremony three times.

The name given to the pledger is "reproducer," or "multiplier";
for through him the tribe is supposed to be reborn and to increase,
and, as the name of the ceremony itself applies, through his act all
nature is supposed to reproduce her kind.

Fig. I. The Lodge-maker, 1901.

INTERVAL BETWEEN THE VOW AND THE CEREMONY.

Shortly after making the vow, Little-Hawk asked the members
of the warrior society to which he belonged, the Dew-clan Rattle, to
assemble at his lodge, for they were to prepare the feast. On this
occasion he appeared before them with his face and hands painted
red, the painting having been done by a medicine-man. Thereafter he
would continue to wear red paint until the last day of the ceremony,
although the time might be ten or twelve months or even longer.

After the warriors were gathered in the lodge he presented to the
head man of the society a pipe which was passed about the circle

May, 1905. The Cheyenne — Dorsey. 59

and smoked. He then formally asked* them to dance with him and
assist him in the ceremony. At this time Little-Hawk's fellow-
warriors made him many presents, such as ponies, moccasins, blan-
kets, calico, and money.

It is the custom that should it not, for any reason, be proper for
the wife of the Pledger to take part in the Sun Dance, he should at
this time, with the advice of the men of his society, appoint a woman
to take her place.

After this meeting Little-Hawk went from place to place visiting
the different camps in his district and the camps of the other districts,
informing all that he encountered that he had made the pledge, and
inviting them to participate in the ceremony.

Later in the year Little-Hawk again made a feast and invited the
members of his own society, at which meeting they conferred and
decided on a time and place for the ceremony. After the meeting
he continued gathering presents to help him defray the expenses of
the ceremony, and he gave his special attention to the securing of
certain objects which would be required in the ceremony, such as
paints, the sacred pipe, feathers, rattles, jerked meat, medicinal roots,
buffalo robe, buffalo skull, etc. In this the members of his society
assisted him.

During the time between the making of the vow and the cere-
mony, the Pledger and his wife discontinue relationship as man and
wife, for should they have connection, one or both of them would die.
A similar fate would follow in case either proved untrue and com-
mitted adultery. During this time, also, no one of the tribe may
pass in front of either the Pledger or his wife, either within or out of
doors; for should this happen one or both of them would die, and the
person who committed the offense would meet with misfortune.

TIME AND DURATION OF THE CEREMONY.

As among the Arapaho, I have been unable to find that any one
of the summer months among the Cheyenne is peculiarly appropriate
for the Sun Dance. It may not be held, however, until the grass has
reached its full growth and the willows and cottonwoods are in full
leaf. It is more than possible that formerly the time of the beginning
of the dance was regulated by the phase of the moon. All the cere-
monies of which I have record were held either in July or August,
the majority of them in July.

*The reason of this request is that the dancers, in the Cheyenne ceremony, participate, not
because they also have vowed to dance, but because they belong to the warrior society of the one
who has pledged the ceremony.

6o Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. IX.

As already noted, the occasion of the ceremony is a vow or pledge;
consequently, should no vow or pledge have been made, there would
be no Sun Dance. The ceremony is not, therefore, necessarily
annual, as it is, so far as I have been able to ascertain, among the
Ponca and the other tribes of the Sioux. With but a single excep-
tion, it is said the ceremony has never been held more than once in
a single year. On this occasion an epidemic in the tribe was respon-
sible for a second performance, which took place with only a single
day intervening between it and the first performance, the same
camp-circle being used for both.

As pointed out in another place, the duration of the ceremony
varies to a slight extent. I have found a considerable amount of
discrepancy among the priests themselves as to what actually consti-
tutes the first day; but it is easy to establish the fact that the day
on which the altar is erected is at least the fourth day, possibly the
fifth. This is the first day of the fasting and on this day the first
paint is worn by the dancers. The duration of the ceremony beyond
this day depends entirely upon the number of days which the Chief
Priest fasted when he himself was Lodge-maker. It is said that there
is no Sun Dance priest now living who, as Lodge-maker, fasted four
days. Two Cheyenne who recently died are said to have fasted four
days. Of these Maple-Tree was reputed to have lived to the age of
1 08 years and Black-Man to the age of 98 years. The most common
period of fasting is two days, this being the duration of the fasting in
both 1 90 1 and 1903. It seems, therefore, that originally the dura-
tion of the ceremony, should the so-called altar day be regarded as

the fourth day, was eight
days. It should be noted,
however, that in consider-
ing the altar day as the
fourth day, this omits in
the reckoning both the erec-
tion of the Warriors'-tipi and
the formation of the camp-
circle. The majority of my
informants are inclined to re-
gard the altar day as the
fourth day, and the ceremony
therefore would vary from five
to eight days' duration, ac-
cording to the number of
fasting or dancing days.

■^jiiirym»:i»'^^f^saif\

Fig. 2. Section of the camp-circle.

May, 1905.

The Cheyenne — Dorsey.

THE ASSEMBLAGE AND FORMATION OF THE
CAMP-CIRCLE.

Formerly when the agent was not insisting that they assemble
promptly, hurry through their ceremony, and return to their homes,
much time was consumed in the formation of the camp-circle. In
the formation of the circle in 1903, however, less haste was shown
than in that of 1901. On July 8th the first band arrived, consisting
chiefly of the Dog-men Warriors. They pitched their tipis in the
plain on the right bank of the river, which had been selected as the
site of the ceremony. (See Figs. 2 and 3.)

Formerly it was customary for the bands as they arrived to pitch
their tipis without reference to the camp-circle ; for as yet it was assumed
that the circle had not been definitely marked out. This task fell to the
members of the warrior society
of the Pledger who, when they
had erected their tipis and had
laid out the circle and placed
their tipis in the proper place in
the circle, were supposed to go
out and drive the remainder of
the tribe into the camp. When
the entire tribe had appeared
and a tipi known as the "War-
riors'-tipi" had been selected,
the camp-circle was formed.

On the following day addi-
tional bands arrived, chiefly
from the Kingfisher and Dar-
lington districts (see Fig. 4), and
the circle was marked out. On July loth additional bands arrived,

and the circle was fairly

well filled, there being a

sufficient number of each

band present to give the

circle the appearance of

I ' ■' completeness.

I * The camp-circle was

f .. more than a mile in diam-

fc •• eter, with an open space

f - '"- - \ or entrance on the eastern

Fig. 4. Arrival of a band at the camp-circle. side, probably a quarter

Fig. 3. Section of the camp-circle, iqoi.

'>^ Mi)fii$itt m^i

62 Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. IX.

of a mile wide. The camp-circle must always be located on the south
bank of a river; it is symbolic of the circle of stars overhead, which
is often called the camp-circle. It is also likened to a big tipi with its
entrance facing east, and bearing the same name as the door of the
tipi.

Unlike the Arapaho, tribal divisions prevail among the Chey-
enne, and their camp-circle is in conformity to this system. The
following (see PI. XIX.) is a list of the divisions in order, beginning
with the first and most important, that on the south side nearest the
opening, the last named occupying the northeastern section of the
circle nearest the opening and opposite the first division:

1. Aorta.

2. Arrow-men.

3. Ridge-men.

4. Outlaw.

5. Poor.

6. Sutayo.

7. Hive.

8. Prominent Jaws.

9. Ute.

10. Cheyenne Sioux.

1 1 . Grasshoppers. '

12. Eaters.

13. Young-White- Wolf.

This list, with the relative positions of the divisions, as shown on
the diagram, has been prepared after much inquiry and the sifting
of conflicting testimony. The list does not agree with that of
Mooney or Grinnell ; it is quite possible that no two lists made to-day
by different investigators would agree.

THE PARTICIPANTS.

Foremost among the active participants of the dance is the one
who made the vow, heretofore spoken of in these pages as the
Pledger, and who hereafter will be called the "Lodge-maker." He
corresponds to the mythical Erect-Horns. Second only in the rank
to the Lodge-maker is his female associate, generally, though not
always, his wife. As will be seen, both in the account of the cere-
mony itself and in the myth of the origin of the ceremony, it is
entirely proper to take as associate for the ceremony the wife of
another man. The Lodge-maker is present during the whole, and
his wife most of the time of the secret rites in the sacred lodge, but

ORMeO 5!/^E 165:

PL. XIX. The Camp-circle.

FIELD COLUMBIAN MUSEUM.

ANTHROPOLOGY, PL. XIX.

E/CkST

^' 2-6-11 ARE AMCIENT. '-C

2-6-11 AREAMCIENT.
13-12-11-10-9-6-5-2 ARE CHEYENME PROPER OR DOC
SOLDIER BAMD. 1-5-8-9-10-12-13 WERE FORM-
ED SINCE 75 YEARS AOO. 3-4-7 AND RE-
MAINDER OF MAIR ROPE MEN OR SOUTH-
ERN CHEYENNE5 FORMED SINCE 1653.

6
O

3.
rn

<</

^jP

Bl/FFALO CAP
LODCE

V^^

^'^^V3

A1/VE BAKD

rKf^

(r''

i^''

Pl. XX. Sun Dance Priests.

May, 1905. The Cheyenne — Dorsey. 63

he is not considered a Sun Dance priest until the end of the second
night of these rites.

The Chief Priest of the ceremony, known as the one who "Shows-
How," and who represents the spirit who taught the ceremony to
Erect-Horns within the cave, is selected, as already noted, by mem-
bers of the warrior society of the Lodge-maker. He may not be
related by marriage, for reasons which will appear, to the Lodge-
maker, though he may be related by blood. He must have been
Pledger of a ceremony one or more times.

The chief point considered by the warrior society in choosing the
Chief Priest is the confidence which they have in their ability, and that
of the Lodge-maker, to fast. Thus, should they believe themselves
able to fast four days, they select as Chief Priest a former Lodge-
maker who fasted for that time. Should they believe that they
could fast for three days only, they would choose one who when
Lodge-maker had fasted for that length of time.

The remaining participants in the rites of the sacred lodge were
those who had pledged the ceremony in former times and who,
therefore, may be properly called "Sun Dance priests." These indi-
viduals also, along with the Lodge-maker, are known as "Reani-
mators." (See PI. XX.)

The individuals who dance during the public performance in the
ceremony are the members of the warrior society of the Lodge-
maker. Others may dance and fast if they desire. In the dance of
1903, several individuals participated in the ceremony by fasting
and dancing who were not members of the Lodge-maker's society;
among the number were two Arapaho. In recent times it is not
obligatory upon the members of the Lodge-maker's society to fast.
In former times, however, they participated by fasting and dancing,
or suffered the possible loss of their horses and the destruction of
their tipi. The list of the participants so far as recorded is here
presented for the two ceremonies witnessed.

P.-^RTICIPANTS.

1903. 1901.

Little-Hawk. Lodge-maker. Pappai.

Blue. Chief Priest. Tall-Man.

Porcupine, Sioux. Assistant Chief Priest. Red-Cloud.

Bull-Tongue. Crier.

64 Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol, IX.

Priests.

Big-Baby.

Black-Man.

Red-Cloud.

Good-Bear.

Roman-Nose.

Mud-Man.

Lone-Wolf.

Deafy.

Good-Man.

Three-Fingers.

Medicine-Bundle .

Dew-Claw Rattle.

Society participating.

Cedar-Tree.

Blow- Away.

Turtle.

Red-Wolf.

Big-Baby.

Black-Horse.

Blue.

Good-Man.

Porcupine-Sioux.

Little-Snake.

Cedar-Tree.

Omaha.

SYNOPSIS OF THE CEREMONY BY DAYS.

In order that the description of events of the ceremony may
be more easily followed, there is presented here a summary state-
ment or list of events in the order in which they occurred on each
day's performance in the 1903 ceremony.

First Day. It was assumed that the camp-circle had been
formed and was complete, and that a certain tipi belonging to a
member of the society of the Lodge-maker had been selected as the
one which would be used as the secret lodge of preparation for the
next three days. There was nothing to distinguish this tipi from
the other tipis in the circle, either in character or position. On
the morning of this day it is designated as the Warriors'-tipi. All
who had been Lodge-makers in previous years repaired to this tipi,
along with the Lodge-maker and his wife, and the tipi is now known
as the Priests' -tipi.

Second Day. Early in the morning the priests feasted. The
Lodge-maker invited the assistance of all former priests, and the Crier
was appointed. Then the tipi was carried a distance of fifty steps
into the circle from the inner line of the camp. It is now known
as the "Lone-tipi." The following rites were then enacted: After
the "barren ground" had been made, the priests assembled to the
number of about fifteen. The first "earth" was made; the sacred
pipe was filled; the second "earth" was made; the Crier was painted
and left the tipi and made the announcement. Outside the Lone-
tipi arrangements were made for spying the center-pole, and the site
of the Sun Dance lodge was determined.

May, 1905. The Cheyenne — Dorsey. 65

Third Day. The Lone-tipi priests ceremonially traveled over
the "earth" outside the Lone-tipi, engaged in smoking, and made
the third "earth"; returning to the Lone-tipi they made the fourth
"earth," feasted and sacrificed food. The buffalo skull was carried
into the tipi, and the fifth "earth" was made. The musicians re-
hearsed Sun Dance songs during the night.

Fourth Day. The secret rites in the Lone-tipi comprised the
preparation and painting of the paraphernalia of the Lodge-maker
and his wife, and the preparation and painting of materials to be
used in the construction of the altar, such as the buffalo skull, the
center-pole image, the drum-stick rattles, the earth-peg, and the
fire-spoon. The sacred pipe was filled. By the middle of the after-
noon the priests were ready to abandon the Lone-tipi. Outside
the Lone-tipi during the fore part of the day the warrior societies
counted coup on the site of the center-pole. The timbers, includ-
ing the center- fork, were brought to the center of the camp-circle
and the Sun Dance lodge had been partially completed. The priests
now abandoned the Lone-tipi and united with the warrior societies
in completing the erection of the Sun Dance lodge, this act being
preceded by the painting of certain poles and the placing of certain
objects in the fork of the center-pole. In the evening the Sun Dance
lodge was formally dedicated by the chiefs and warrior societies,
after which the dancers assembled, the sacred songs were sung, and
dancers performed the so-called "hand and arm drill." The con-
clusion of the day was marked by the beginning of the dance proper,
preceded by interesting rites enacted outside the lodge by the Chief
Priest, the wife of the Lodge-maker, and other priests.

Fifth Day. The construction of the altar occupied the fore-
noon and included several rites, such as the measuring and excava-
tion of the earth in front of the buffalo skull, the journey after the
sods of earth for the semi-circle, the making of the dry sand picture,
and the manufacture and erection of the men and rainbow sticks and
the foliage. The final act in the construction of the altar was the
filling of the sacred pipe. At noon was the formal feast of the grand-
fathers or priests, provided by the relatives of the dancers, and the
sacrifice of food. The dancers were painted and properly costumed,
the rawhide was incensed, and there followed the first dance with
the first paint. Later in the day followed the second dance and
second paint, with similar accompanying rites.

Sixth Day. Three distinct paints were crowded together on
this day, each one of which should have occupied an entire day.
The rites accompanying each one of these paints were similar to those

66 Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. IX.

enumerated for the first paint of the fifth day. At daybreak there
was a sunrise dance, the day proper being occupied by the third,
fourth, and fifth paints. At sundown occurred the dance and the
rites to the medicine-spirits of the four directions; this marked the
conclusion of the dance proper. The dancers removed their paint,
went to their respective homes, and broke the fast; the Lodge-maker
and his wife and certain priests smoked the sacred pipe, broke the
fast; and the Lodge-maker and his wife, in company with the Chief
Priest and his wife, took a sweat bath, all the other dancers and
priests indulging in the same rite of purification.

PART II.— THE CEREMONY.

PRELIMINARY DAYS.

Formerly a considerable amount of leeway was given the mem-
bers of the tribe in assembling at the site of the ceremony, and it
was not until all the members of the tribe were present, either of
their own free will or through force, and it was not until after a certain
tipi, designated as the Warrior-tipi, had been entered by the Sun
Dance priests and Lodge-maker, that the ceremony could be said
to have begun.

JULY EIGHTH.

As a matter of record it may be noted that in 1903 the first bands,
the majority being members of the Dog-men organization, made
their appearance at the camp site on July 8th.

JULY NINTH.

On July 9th bands from Darlington and Kingfisher arrived.
As they arrived in their wagons, carrying their cooking utensils,
tipi and tipi furniture, they drove around the camp-circle sunwise
fashion, singing as they went, and being cheered in turn by those
already on the site. (See PI. XXI.)

JULY TENTH.

On July loth the large band from Washita appeared, and, like
the others, made the circuit of the circle, cheering and shouting.

On the evening of this day the Dew-claw Rattle society, that is,
the warrior society of the Lodge-maker, informally asked Three-
Fingers, one of their number, to be on the lookout for a cottonwood-
tree which would be suitable for the center-pole of the Sun Dance

30KAfl ^0 iAVIHHA ,<XX

yCf^^'>-

PL. XXI. Arrival of Bands at the Camp-circle.

FIELD COLUMBIAN MUSEUM

ANTHROPOLOGY, PL. XXI

IjRt-sfefb^Wl^

.* >,

■mii''^.d,i'i^Mlbm^'^miiiL ii:

FIELD COLUMBIAN MUSEUM.

ANTHROPOLOGY, PL. XXII.

mTii I'liHiiiiiii'

PL. XXII. Cheyenne and Arapaho Social Dance.

^9A«A aWA aWH3Y3Hr

^wr

May, 1905.

The Chevexxe — Dorsey.

lodge. Then, according to a prearranged plan, and in accordance
with the wishes of the Lodge-maker, Blue was selected as Chief
Priest ; he formally gave his consent by accepting the pipe which was
carried to
him. Later
that evening
there was a
parade of
this society,
the mem-
bers preced-
ingthe chiefs
by a consid-
erablespace.
(See Fig. 5.)

Fig. 5. Parade of the Dew-claw Rattle society.

During the time of the parade those families who had
suffered the loss of one of their number during the preceding year,
stood out in front of their lodge and mourned. The object of the
parade was to make manifest to the members of the tribe their
willingness and eagerness to assist their fellow-member in the forth-
coming ceremony. Another object, but secondary, was that, through
their singing, as they made the journey about the camp-circle, they
would enlist the sympathy of the members of the tribe and receive
contributions which would go toward defraying the expenses of the
ceremony .

On the afternoon of this day a large band of young men erected
a temporary shelter on the east side of the camp-circle. They
danced social dances, alternating with bands of Arapaho, who, as
a tribe, always attend the Cheyenne ceremony. (See PI. XXIL)

THE FIRST DAY.

THE WARRlORS"-TIPl.

According to the time-honored program of the ceremony, it is
assumed that on the morning of this day the formal rites should be
preceded by the selection, by the warrior society of the Lodge-maker,
of a tipi of one of their own number, in which they should meet, and
which is known as the Warriors'-tipi. A little later this tipi is sup-
posed to be lifted from the ground by women, wives of the society
members, there being one for each tipi pole, and moved forward a
short distance toward the spot which has been chosen as the center
of the circle.

68 Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. IX.

THE PRIESTS'-TIPI.

The inner edge of the tipi, after it has been thus moved, becomes
the inner boundary line of the camp-circle, and this tipi, first known
as the Warriors '-tipi, is now designated as the Priests'-tipi.

Selection of Chief Priest.

According to custom the Lodge-maker's society should now have
met in this tipi for the purpose of selecting with appropriate rites
a Chief Priest, and a woman to act with the Lodge-maker, if for any
reason whatsoever it be deemed impossible or improper for his wife
to serve in this capacity. This formality had been gone through
on the preceding day, and Blue had been chosen to act as the Chief
Priest.

From this statement of events as they are supposed to take
place, we turn to the actual occurrences of this day.

As a matter of fact, the circle had been well marked out by the
Dog-men on their arrival on July 8th, three days previous to what
has been called the First Day, and the bands, immediately upon

Fig. 6. The Warriors'-tipi.

May, 1905. The Cheyenne — Dorsey. 69

their arrival, pitched their tipis in conformity with the plan laid
out, so that it was not necessary to move the tipis. Furthermore,
the tipi to be designated as the Warriors'-tipi had already been
selected, and was left standing where it had been erected originally,
at the edge of the circle. (See Fig. 6.)

Early in the morning, Three-Fingers, as he had been directed
on the preceding day, went out on horseback to select, without
formality, a center-pole. At the same time the Dew-claw Rattle
society again paraded the camp-circle, as on the previous night.
After the parade the society met in the tipi of Black-Bear, a member
of the Bow-string society. I was not present at this meeting, but
was told that after they had all entered, one of the four girls belong-
ing to the organization took part in the meeting and at the feast
food was offered her first. Nothing of importance took place at
this meeting.

On this day in 1901 the Lodge-maker went a second time to the
Lodge-maker of the preceding Sun Dance to obtain the secret bundle
containing the sacred pipe and the buffalo chip, as on his first visit
he did not have sufficient funds to secure it. This bundle is always
kept by the Lodge-maker until the time of the next ceremony, when,
on the payment of a considerable sum, he transmits it to the new
benefactor of the tribe. Should the bundle be lost it would not be
possible, the Cheyenne say, to have another ceremony.

THE SECOND DAY.

On that day the Priests'-tipi is supposed to be moved within
the camp-circle, where certain preliminary rites are to be performed;
it is henceforth known as the Lone-tipi, or rehearsal tipi, and is
from this time on supposed to be sacred. No one may pass in front
of it, for if he did he would become blind. No menstruating woman
may pass by the tipi on the windward side ; to do so would cause her
own death and the occupants of the tipi would be poisoned. The
meaning of the name given the tipi of secret rites is Tipi-by-itself.
Another name is Tipi-from-which-the-Rebirth-lodge-comes. It is also
given the name of the morning-star and is said to be symbolic of
the hill from which, according to the myth, the buffalo came.

THE MORNING FEAST.

Early on that day the Dew-claw Rattle society, together with the
Lodge-maker, assembled in the tipi of the daughter of Brave-Bear,
she being a member of the Dew-claw organization. There a feast
was provided, after which the members went to their respective tipis.

70 Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. IX.

THE LODGE-MAKER INVITES THE PRIEST.

Toward noon the Lodge-maker, in his own tipi, painted himself
from head to foot with red paint, wrapped a buffalo robe about his
body, and taking a pipe in his hand made the circuit of the camp-
circle four times. He entered the circle on the west side and directed
his course toward the north, continuing his journey by way of the
east, south, and west, completing his journey again at the west after

Fig. 7. The Lodge-maker inviting priests.

he had circled the camp four times. (See Fig. 7.) As he made his
journey he entered the tipi of each man who had ever pledged the
Sun Dance, even entering the tipis of the families where a former
member had been a Lodge-maker. On entering the tipi he said,
"My friend, I have come after you"; this constituted an invitation
on the part of the Lodge-maker to the former priest to take part
in the forthcoming ceremony, and at the same time was a notifica-
tion that the Priests'-tipi was ready.

THE CHEYENNE AND ARAPAHO SOCIAL DANCE.

In the mean time, certain Cheyenne and Arapaho from Washita
were holding a dance of a social nature, called the Omaha dance,

FIELD COLUMBIAN MUSEUM.

ANTHROPOLOGY, PL. XXIII.

^^^m^m^y^^ymy^^iimamfiM

PL. XXIII. Cheyenne and Arapaho Social Dance.

.jtisa

.3Qi^AU JA---SL

r'.py4»rv, .^gBt:'^ -K

May, 1905.

The Cheyenne — Dorsey.

which was made
the occasion for
the display of
good feehng and
the exchange of
a large number
of presents. (See
PI. XXIII. and
Figs. 8, 9, 10.)

THE OFFICE OF
CRIER.

^:>V^.

'A I

■r^..f..iM^—— BaamianBWi

Fig. 8. Social dance.

After the
Lodge-m aker

had completed the circuit he went to the Priests'-tipi, still covered with
red paint and wearing his buffalo robe. There were then present in the
tipi the Lodge-maker, Porcupine Sioux, and Blue, who had already been

Fig. 9. Spectators at social dance.

Fig. 10. War-bonnets exposed to sun.

notified that he was desired to act as Chief Priest. A young man by the
name of Bull-Tongue entered the tipi and made a present to the Lodge-
maker, and asked that he be permitted to act as crier during the
ceremony.* After informal smoking the three returned to their tipis.

*This privilege is gained only at this and similar performances, and the privilege of appoint-
ing a crier or conveying the right to act as crier rests with the Lodge-maker. With his acceptance
of Bull-Tongue's present he may serve as crier in any ceremony; it will, however, be necessary
for him to serve as crier on three additional Sun Dances before he is recognized as crier for the

7 2 Field Columiuan ]^Iuseum — Anthropology, Vol, IX.

THE LONE-TIPl.
Shortly after the event just noted several women, wives of mem-
bers of the Dew-claw Rattle society, went to the Priests'-tipi. They

at once loosened the tipi pegs
and each one grasped one of
the poles and in unison they
lifted the tipi and carried it
forward (see Fig. ii) about
twenty yards within the
camp-circle toward the cen-
ter. Here they rested the
poles on the ground, re-
adjusted the tipi covering,
and made it fast by means of
pegs. (PI. XXIV.) All left for
their tipis, except the wife of
the Lodge-maker, who, with
Bull-Tongue, the newly ap-
pointed Crier and a Lodge-
maker on a former occasion,
entered the Lone-tipi.

Fig. II. Women removing Warriors'-tipi.

The Barren Earth.
The Lodge-maker's wife carried a hoe, and she was instructed
by Bull-Tongue how she should clear the grass and stubble from
the inside of the tipi.
(See Fig. 12.) She
cleared away the grass,
exposing the bare earth,
in a circular space
within the tipi. Around
the border of the tipi
to a breadth of about
three feet the grass was
allowed to remain.
Upon the grass she
spread fresh sage and
over the sage blankets
for the priests to sit
upon when in the tipi. Fig. 12. The cleared earth in the Lone-tipi.

tribe. Thus he becomes a tribal benefactor and has much influence; and his opinions are held in
great respect.

)2.'

PL. XXIV. The Lone-tipi. (Carpenter.)

May, 1905.

The Cheyenne — Dorsey.

The Assembling of the Lone-Tipi Priest.

Shortly after this, and still early in the afternoon, the Lodge-
maker left his tipi and went to the Lone-tipi, where he was joined
by several former Sun Dance
priests. (See Fig. 13.) Among
those first arriving were Blue, the
Chief Priest, and Bull-Tongue,
who had already purchased the
office of Crier. They began to
smoke informally, and in the mean
time other priests entered the tipi.
There were then present, sitting in
a circle about the tipi, and begin-
ning at the side east of the door,
the following: Bull-Tongue, Lone-
Wolf, the Lodge-maker, the Chief
Priest, Porcupine Sioux, who had
been selected by Blue as assistant
Chief Priest, Mud-Man, Red-Cloud,
Black-Man, Deafy, Cedar-Tree,
Good-Bear, Blow-Away, Little-
Hawk, and Turtle-following-his-
Wife. The Lodge-maker, the Chief
Priest, and the assistant Chief Priest sat at the east side of the tipi,
and had the cleared space in front of and on the west of them.

Fig. 13.

A priest on his way to the
Lone-tipi.

The Pipe Tamper and Cleaner.

While the priests were smoking informally the assistant Chief
Priest took up the dog- wood sticks, which had been brought into
the tipi by Little-Hawk, decorticated them, cut them of equal length,
and fashioned them into pipe tampers. When he had concluded,
he placed them on the cleared space by the side of the sacred
bundle, which had been brought into the tipi by the Lodge-maker.
Presently, at the suggestion of the Chief Priest, the Lodge-maker
plucked from his buffalo robe several bits of wool, which he passed
to the assistant Chief Priest. The Lodge-maker passed in front of
the assistant Chief Priest and knelt down in front of the Chief
Priest, closed his eyes, turned away his head, and extended the palms
of his hands in front of the face of the Chief Priest. The Chief
Priest touched his finger to the ground, put it to his tongue, took a

74 Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. IX.

bite of root and spat* in the palms of the Lodge-maker's hands five
times, first at the southeast, then at the southwest, the northwest,
the northeast, and in the center. The Lodge-maker rubbed his hands
together and passed them down over his head and body.

This peculiar rite, of "medicine" nature, bears the same name
as the traditional prophet who gave the medicine arrows, or tribal
medicine, to the Cheyenne. It is called "throwing-it-at-him," and
is symbolic of the Chief Priest throwing or bestowing upon the Lodge-
maker the world and growth, and hence long life. The rite is also
said to represent all the growth of the earth which is sweet, and hence
the Lodge-maker is said to have received the "sweet-medicine."
The touching of the ground by the Priest expresses the desire that
the earth should bring forth water. In ejecting spittle five times
recognition is made of the four medicine spirits or living worlds
and of the sun. In the performance of this rite the recipient always
turns away his head in order that none of the spittle may strike his
face, or, especially, get into his eyes, as this, it is believed, would
cause blindness.

"With the aid of and under the direction of the Chief Priest, the
Lodge-maker took up one of the two dog-wood sticks, or tampers,
and wound the buffalo wool around the smaller end of it. This
stick was now symbolic of the buffalo, and consequently of people
who live on buffalo meat. In using the tampers the plain stick
is first put on the earth, or first used; then the stick with the buffalo
wool. This wrapped stick is not so much a tamper as it is a cleaner
to clean or purify the pipe or person, so that the buffalo will nourish
the body.f

The First E.arth.

The pipe, of ordinary shape and red in color, which the Lodge-
maker had brought with him into the tipi, was placed on the cleared
space in front of himself and the assistant Chief Priest, the bowl
of the pipe projecting toward the center of the space. The two pipe
tampers were laid parallel to the pipe and on the side of the cleared
space toward the center. The Lodge-maker knelt by the side of
the Chief Priest, who with his right hand grasped the right hand
of the Lodge-maker and caused his outstretched thumb to be directed
four times toward the ground just beyond the two pipe tampers,
and then four times to the center. Then, holding his hand in the

*By this term, as in the Arapaho cermony, it must be understod that the amount of spittle
ejected upon his hands was almost infinitesimal, the act being performed by the tongue thrust
slightly forward between the lips.

tNew pipe cleaners, it may here be noted, will be made with each new earth, for they cannot
carry the earth away to another place, nor the earth's growth, nor as a consequence the sticks.

May, 1905.

The Cheyenne — Dorsey.

same way, the Chief Priest caused the Lodge-maker's thumb to
describe a small circle just above the ground.* He then caused
the Lodge-maker's thumb to touch the ground and rub the earth
in a circular motion, thus smoothing a space about an inch in diam-
eter. The Chief Priest enlarged this little circle to about twice its
size, and thus was formed the first, or new life "earth," which marks
the beginning of vegetation. This "earth," the first one made, is
said to be small because not much is known of it. Its proper size
is said to be the length of the thumb to the longest finger. The
thumb is used in the rite because it is the strongest finger.

Smoking the Red Pipe.

Bull-Tongue left the lodge and returned in a few minutes with
a shovel of live coals, one of which he placed in the center of the
cleared space. The posi-
tion of the chief partici-
pants in the tipi at this
time and their relation to
the pipe, etc., may be seen
from the accompanying
diagram (see Fig. 14).
The Chief Priest leaned
forward and picked up
the pipe and lit it from
the coal. After the pipe
was thoroughly lighted he
directed the point of the
stem toward the diminu-
tive circle of earth. He
passed the pipe to the
Lodge-maker, who also
directed the point of the
stem to the "earth" and then smoked while Bull-Tongue emptied the
remaining coals from the shovel in the center, where the first coal had
been deposited. The pipe was passed around the circle, each one
directing its stem toward the earth before beginning to smoke.

After all had smoked, the pipe was passed back unsmoked around
the circle to the Chief Priest, who directed the stem to the earth.
He removed the stem from the bowl, and taking up the plain tamper,
loosened the ashes and deposited them in the center of the earth.

*It is assumed that in making the first four passes, one was made for each of the cardinal
points, or medicine spirits, beginning with the southeast; the next four passes to the center was
for the sun and the circular motion was for all spirits.

Fig. 14. Diagram of Lone-tipi.

76 Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. IX.

Next he cleansed the pipe with the tamper wrapped with buffalo
wool. He inserted the stem, pointed the stem toward the earth,
and passed each hand twice down the stem, touching the ground
with the hand each time. He touched his finger to the ground,
took a bite of root, and spat upon the hands of the Lodge-maker
five times, as before, whereupon the Lodge-maker grasped the pipe
held by the Chief Priest and four times simulated receiving the
pipe, taking it from him the fifth time. He applied his lips to the
empty pipe four times and deposited it in front of him on the cleared
space. The Chief Priest then took up the pipe and filled it without
ceremony, tamping the tobacco down with the plain tamper, and
put the pipe back in its place.

Filling the Sacred Pipe.

After a few moments' pause the Chief Priest touched his finger
to the ground, took a bite of root, and spat five times in the hands
of the assistant Chief Priest. The latter now reversed the pipe so
that the stem pointed toward the west (heretofore it had been
pointed toward the east), and placed it in front of the sacred bundle,
hitherto lying west of the pipe, and which had been brought into
the lodge by Little-Hawk, the Lodge-maker, while the priests were
assembling.* The assistant Chief Priest carefully took up the
bundle, opened it, and took from it a buffalo chip, a piece of sinew,
and some braided sweet-
grass. Next he carefully
removed a pipe with
straight black stone bowl
and round stem. (See Fig.
15.) He made five passes
with the pipe toward the
ground and laid it down
just behind the bundle.
He tied up the bundle and
passed it to the Chief
Priest, who deposited it in
front of Big-Baby. The
assistant Chief Priest took p^^, j- Sacrcd • . ^

the piece of sinew which

had been removed from the bundle and tore from it five shreds or fibers.
Big-Baby prepared the hands of the Lodge-maker after the usual

*The owner of the bundle is Red-Bead, a chief,
bundle.

His wife is the keeper or guardian of the

May, 1905. The Cheyenne — Dorsey. 77

fashion ("threw it on him"), whereupon the Lodge-maker extended his
left hand, palm upward, in front of the assistant Chief Priest. The
latter grasped with his right hand the right hand of the Lodge-
maker and directed it toward the sinew. At the second pass the
Lodge-maker picked up one of the pieces of sinew and laid it across
the palm of his left hand, the movement being guided by the hand
of the assistant Chief Priest, who continued his grasp of the Lodge-
maker's right hand. In this manner the five pieces of sinew were
picked up and placed in the palm of his left hand, the following
disposition being made of them: First, one toward the tip of his
fingers, then one toward the base of his hand, another toward the
tip of his fingers, but inside the first one ; the fourth one toward
the base, but inside the second one. Thus there was an open space
between these two pairs. The fifth sinew was placed in this space,
equidistant from the two pairs. Continuing to direct the move-
ment of the Lodge-maker, the assistant Chief Priest caused his
right hand to be guided to the outer side of his left hand, where
five passes were made and the sinews were doubled over by bringing
them forward one at a time, after which he slowly closed his hands.
Then the Lodge-maker, under the assistant Chief Priest's guidance,
rolled the sinew with his thumb into a tiny pellet. The large piece
of sinew from which these five fibers had been taken was then placed
on the bundle. The assistant Chief Priest made five passes toward
the bowl of the pipe, picked it up, held it in front of him, and cleaned
it with the tamper, the Lodge-maker holding the sinew in his right
hand. Then the sinew, representing the buffalo which nourishes
the people, was put in and pressed half-way down with the plain
tamper. Then, upon this, a little pellet of sweet-grass was placed
in the pipe by the assistant Chief Priest and he returned the bowl
to its accustomed position on the cleared space.

The assistant Chief Priest with both hands took up the tobacco
bag, which he passed to the Lodge-maker. The latter gathered
about himself his buffalo robe, and taking the corner of it, spread
it out at his left hand, and upon this placed two pinches of tobacco
which he took from the bag. The assistant Chief Priest made five
motions toward the bowl and picked it up. He took the right hand
of the Lodge-maker in his and made a circular motion signify-
ing the round earth or whole world, and four passes toward the
tobacco. At the fifth movement the Lodge-maker took a pinch of
the tobacco, circled it over the bowl, and moved five times toward
the bowl and dropped the tobacco in. He again circled his hand
over the tobacco once and toward it four times, took up another

78 Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. IX.

pinch of tobacco, again circled his fingers over the bowl and motioned
toward it four times. In this manner five pinches of tobacco were
dropped into the bowl, the first pinch being placed in the pipe on
the northeast side, the next one on the southeast side, next on the
southwest side, next on the northwest side, the fifth pinch being
added in the center of the bowl.

The assistant Chief Priest again grasped the right hand of the
Lodge-maker with his own right hand and caused him to make a
circular motion over the tamper, and four movements toward it,
and then caused him to pick it up and press down the tobacco. They
then went through the same motions, this time using the left hand.
The assistant Chief Priest finished filling the pipe without formality.
Bull-Tongue then took up a piece of tallow and handed it to the
Lodge-maker. The latter received the pipe from the assistant Chief
Priest and covered the upper or exposed surface of the tobacco
at the mouth of the pipe with the tallow. He handed the pipe to
the assistant Chief Priest, who grasped it with both hands, advanced
four steps and deposited it on the cleared space, near to and directed
toward the buffalo chip, a short distance from the stem. The Chief
Priest plucked a pinch of wool from his buffalo robe and deposited
it by the pipe stem, gathered his robe around him, and resumed
his seat. The assistant Chief Priest took the hand of the Lodge-
maker, and with the customary five passes caused him to take the
wool and wrap it around the end of the pipe-stem. He then rubbed
the wool with tallow. Thus wrapped, the stem would fit into the
end of the pipe more tightly. The assistant Chief Priest with both
hands took the two hands of the Lodge-maker and moved them
toward the bowl, which the Lodge-maker picked up and moved
toward the stem, halting three times. The fourth time he slipped
the bowl upon the stem, the assistant Chief Priest making it secure.

Painting the Sacred Pipe.

The Chief Priest gave the assistant Chief Priest the piece of
braided sweet-grass from the bundle. Bull-Tongue took a live coal
and placed it in the center of the cleared space. The assistant
Chief Priest took up the piece of sweet-grass and tore oflE five shreds,
which he placed in front of himself. He took up the sack of red
earth, and placed it in front of the Lodge-maker. He took the hand
of the Lodge-maker and caused him to pick up the five pieces of grass
just as he had picked up the sinews. Before each piece was picked
up he made the usual five passes, and before he deposited each piece
five passes were made toward his hand. The grasses were laid on

May, 1905. The Cheyenne — Dorsey. 79

the Lodge-maker's left hand, his palm being directed upward, the
same relative positions being maintained as with the sinews. The
assistant Chief Priest, still guiding the movement of the Lodge-
maker's right hand, caused him to take up the grasses one by one
by the outer ends and bring them around and put them under the
others, making five passes before each movement. Then the Lodge-
maker was directed, as before, to roll the grass into a little ball.

The assistant Chief Priest cut off a small piece of tallow, which
he placed to the right of the bag of red paint. The Lodge-maker,
accompanied by the assistant Chief Priest, who guided his right
hand, the movement being the same as before and with the cus-
tomary five passes, took a pinch of paint from the bag and mixed it
with the tallow. Again he mixed some red paint and tallow. The
assistant Chief Priest then handed the sacred pipe to the Chief Priest,
who on the corner of the back of his buffalo robe wiped it carefully
four times, thus purifying the pipe, or person, as it may be consid-
ered, of all impurities, and returned it to his assistant, who held it
upright by the side of the Lodge-maker. The Lodge-maker, having
rubbed the red paint tallow thoroughly between his palms, rubbed
his right hand up the stem twice and his left hand twice. He grasped
the stem firmly near the base with both hands and gave them a
circular motion, thus painting the stem red. He then moved up
the stem the distance of his two hands and again rubbed the stem
with a circular motion. Thus by four movements in all he com-
pletely painted the stem and bowl, and the pipe or person was ready
for the "new world."* Next he pressed his thumb upon the end
or rim of the bowl, then upon the tallow-coated charge of tobacco.
The assistant Chief Priest, without formality, replaced the pipe on
the cleared ground and handed the tamper to the Lodge-maker,
who drew it back and forth through his hands, painting it red. He
returned it to the assistant Chief Priest, who replaced it. The Chief
Priest handed to the Lodge-maker the five tying strings of the bundle,
which he drew through his hands, painting them red, and then he
handed them back to the Chief Priest, who placed them in a pile
in front of himself.

The Second Earth.

It was then time to form a new "earth." The assistant Chief
Priest with his right hand seized the right hand, palm downward,
of the Lodge-maker and directed it toward the ground in a circular

♦It was also symbolic of the fact that all had eaten buffalo, and hence should rise up, grow
and increase.

8o Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. IX.

motion, for the round world, and then four times for the four direc-
tions, and rocked his hand back and forth and with the under side
of his wrist rubbed a small circular space upon the ground, which
the assistant Chief Priest enlarged. The Chief Priest plucked some
wool from his robe, rolled it into a ball, and placed it upon this new
formed earth.*

Painting the Crier.

The Lodge-maker now sat as number two in the circle, that is,
next to Bull-Tongue, near the door. Objects not required were
taken up and by the Chief Priest replaced in the bundle, which
was then tied up. Bull-Tongue disrobed. The Chief Priest and the
assistant Chief Priest besmeared their hands with red paint, break-
ing off a piece from the ball of paint which had been mixed with
tallow, and painted their faces, hair, and moccasins and passed the
ball of paint to the others in the circle, who also painted them-
selves. Bull-Tongue then received the ball of paint. He took up
the piece of braided sweet-grass, broke off two stems, and put them
in front of himself. A buffalo robe was passed to him, which he
wrapped over his shoulder, but not being quite ready for it, he
removed it and obtained a live coal from the pile of coals in the
center of the cleared space and placed it in front of him. He then
made five passes toward the ball of red paint and broke from it a
small pinch, which he placed in his left hand. He made five passes
toward the sweet-grass, picked it up and deposited it on the coal.
He next extended his hands in front of his body and held them
over the rising incense, palms together, and his right hand upper-
most. He turned his hands so that the left hand was uppermost;
again he turned them and held the right hand uppermost; again
with the left hand uppermost. He turned his hands so that the
palms were perpendicular and held them in this position for a few
seconds. He then rubbed the palms together and touched him-
self lightly at four different places, beginning with his feet and pass-
ing toward his head. He then painted his face, hair, arms, breast,
legs, feet, belly, and back. He put on the buffalo robe, gathered it
around himself with the hair side out, being careful to so adjust
the robe that the head was directed to his right side. He placed
the second piece of sweet-grass on the coal, held his right hand over
the rising smoke, and placed it on his head. He did this with his
left hand. He gathered the robe tightly around himself, squatted

♦This, the second "earth," is spoken of as a "wallow." The rocking movement of the hand
mitated a buffalo wallowing. Inasmuch as people live on the buffalo, they go through this rite
to renew their bodies. Hence also people wallow like a buffalo and feel good. It should be noted
that this "wallow" or earth was larger than the one first made.

May, 1905. The Cheyenne — Dorsey. 81

down over the coal in such a manner that the incense passed within
the robe and over his body. He then put on his moccasins.

In thurifying the paint over the smoke Bull-Tongue made the
motions with the palm of his hands to represent or invoke the notice
of the medicine spirits of the east, south, west, north, and the sun.
The paint is symbolic of the earth, as the tallow is of the food of
the earth, or life, and as the sweet-grass is of growth in general.
The whole rite of painting is preparatory to the announcement he
is about to make, which bears upon the drama of the growth of the
earth.

The Announcement.

Up to that time, no special notice had been taken in the camp
of the fact that secret rites were taking place in the Lone-tipi; as a
consequence the drums and singing of the warrior societies here
and there throughout the circle could be heard, as well as the noise
made by the children at play. The Lodge-maker arose and went
outside and asked that quiet be kept by all and that the members
of the societies stop drumming and singing. In making this request
he pitched his voice as he would in a prayer.

Big-Baby addressed Bull-Tongue in a low voice, but simulating
that of a Crier, and told Bull-Tongue what he should say. Then
Bull-Tongue left the tipi and started out through the camp and
continued on toward the east, north, and on around the entire camp-
circle, crying in a loud voice as follows:

"Sand-hill-Men! Sand-hill-Men! Young Sand-hill-Men! Young
Sand-hill-Men!

" Sutayo Band! Sutayo Band! Young Sutayo Band! Young
Sutayo Band!

" Big-Lodge-Men! Big-Lodge-Men! Big-Lodge Young Men! Big-
Lodge Young Men!

" Notiswahiswisti! Notiswahiswisti ! Young Notiswahiswisti I
Young Notiswahiswisti!

" Little-Hawk (^Lodge-maker) has taken pity on you! Little-Hawk
has taken pity on you! Little-Hawk has taken pity on you!

" He gives you notice that he gives his wife up to the sacred lodge.
He takes this opportunity to announce to you this great act of his."

During the time of the announcement absolute silence, so far
as possible, was maintained, for the announcement was one of the
most solemn episodes of the ceremony.

82 Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol, IX.

Sacrifice of Food and the Feast.

By the time the Crier returned, the Lodge-maker's wife had
sent to the entrance of the tipi many vessels of food for the evening
feast. The Chief Priest took up a piece of meat and tore off a small
piece. The root was passed to him. He touched his finger to the
ground, put it to his tongue, took a bite of root, spat five times
upon the meat and gave it to the Lodge-maker. The latter arose,
motioned the meat aloft once and to the east four times and de-
posited it on the ground under the sacred pipe. He rubbed his
hand over his head and resumed his place in the circle. Thus he
sacrificed food to the earth, sun, and four medicine spirits. Food
was passed to all the members of the tipi and eaten without cere-
mony. The Chief Priest took the sacred pipe, lighted it, offered
the stem to the earth, and passed the pipe to the Lodge-maker, thus
blessing the Lodge-maker, and through him, for he represents all
people, every one.* After the Lodge-maker had smoked, .the pipe
was passed sunwise about the circle, each taking a few whiffs. It
was passed back unsmoked to the Chief Priest, who cleaned the pipe
and replaced it on the ground.

After the feast and the formal smoke, the priests retired to their
tipis to remain during the night, except the Lodge-maker and the
Chief Priest, who slept in the Lone-tipi during this and the following
night.

EVENTS OUTSIDE THE LONE-TIPI.

During the day no public rites were performed. There was much
feasting and formal visiting among the various warrior organiza-
tions, along with a morning feast at which many presents were
given away.

The Spy for the Center-Pole.

Reference has been made to the fact that Three- Fingers, a priest
and chief, had been requested to examine the near-by timber and
select a suitable cottonwood-tree to serve as the main or center-
pole of the Sun Dance lodge. This Three-Fingers did on the morn-
ing of this day, but his act was one of convenience rather than cere-
mony.! In 1901, however, on this night, the Lodge-maker carried

♦Thus he gave to all the world a blessing, and so all will grow strong and live in the midst of
abundance.

tThe formal and ceremonial location of the center-pole by custom falls to the lot of a Chey-
enne who has had the distinction when acting as a spy of striking an enemy inside his tipi. As
a matter of fact, there were but two Cheyenne living who could lay claim to this distinction,
Wolf -Face and Mad-Robe. These men were very old and the formal rite of spying the pole was
omitted in 1903.

May, 1905. The Cheyenne — Dorsey. " 83

a pipe to Wolf-Face, which he accepted, thus signifying his willing-
ness to act as spy on the following morning.

Selecting the Site of the Lodge.

Just at sundown Big-Baby, who owns the rite by purchase,
walked to the center of the camp-circle, and after examining the
ground, selected a level spot which he considered suitable for the
lodge. At the center of this place he set on end a few sticks and placed
on top of them a bunch of grass. This marked the site of the center-
pole of the great lodge.

THE THIRD DAY.

This is one of the most important days of the ceremony, and
is crowded with events from early morning until long after mid-
night. It includes the secret rites in the Lone-tipi, such as the
preparation of the objects which later in the day are to be placed
in the fork of the center-pole of the Sun Dance lodge, or which on
the following morning are to form part of the altar of that lodge.
The public performances are the counting of coup by the spy and
others on the object representing the site of the center-pole, the
securing of the raw material to be used either within the Lone-tipi
or to form part of the altar of the Sun Dance lodge to be built on the
next day. The warrior societies are busy during the day bringing
in poles to be used in the construction of the Sun Dance lodge, which
they partially construct. Then follows the formal and stately pro-
cession of priests from the Lone-tipi to the Sun Dance lodge, where
the poles are painted, the center-fork is erected, and the lodge is
completed. Then follows the dedication of the lodge by the chiefs.
Later in the evening there is a rehearsal, or the so-called "hand
and arm" drill, which serves as the formal introduction of those
who are to dance in the lodge. Then follows the highly significant
performance of the Chief Priest and the Lodge-maker's wife, during
which time the sacred song is sung four times, followed by the formal
beginning of the dance proper, which lasts until daylight.

As a matter of fact, the rites which, even with haste on the part
of the priests, fill this day to overflowing, occupied, in 1903, two
entire days. This was due in part to the fact that certain raw mate-
rial had not been provided on the day preceding and in part to the
fact that there was a disinclination to hurry, owing to the great heat.
In the following description of events which properly belonged to
this dav, the acts of the two days are enumerated in the order of

84 Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. IX.

their performance and under the headings of the third and fourth
days, respectively.

The Chief Priest, the Lodge-maker, and his wife began fasting
on the afternoon of the previous day and spent the night in the
Lone-tipi. Here they were joined before sunrise by a few of the
priests. We may consider first the secret and then the pubHc rites
of the day.

SECRET RITES OUTSIDE THE LONE-TIPI.

Before considering the rites performed this morning by the Lone-
tipi priests outside the lodge, it is necessary to recall that in 1901
Wolf-Face had been chosen to spy out the center-pole.

Wolf-Face Selects the Center-Pole Tree, 1901.

On this morning, therefore, Wolf-Face, completely clad in buck-
skin, wearing a war bonnet, and mounted on a pony bearing his war-
medicine paint, rode alone into the timber and selected a suitable
tree for the center-pole. Pausing before it, he addressed it as he
would a person, relating a war story in which he recounted his ex-
ploits against the Pawnee. Then he struck the tree, counting coup
on it, as if it were an enemy.

The Priests Search for a Larger Earth.

Early in the morning the Lodge-maker, the Chief Priest, Big-
Horse, Dragon-Otter, and the assistant Chief Priest left the Lone-
tipi in the order named, the Lodge-maker carrying in his arms the
sacred bundle and its pipe, and the Chief Priest a live coal. The
Lodge-maker and Chief Priest wore their buffalo robes, wool side
out. Formerly the Lodge-maker wore also a buffalo-scalp head-dress ;
this is now in possession of the Northern Cheyenne. They slowly
walked forward about a hundred yards in front of the tipi, halting
four times, until they came to the place where the Lodge-maker had
advanced from the line, and deposited the bundle on the ground,
then they rejoined the priests and sat down in line about twenty
feet behind the bundle.*

The Lodge-maker lighted his pipe from the coal which the Chief
Priest had carried, and after taking a few whiffs, passed it to Big

*On this journey they look for and make a larger earth. They especially desire to know
more about the earth. The stopping four times on the way is symbolic of their having traveled
all over this earth to see it. This rite is also compared to the four movements which the Lodge-
maker will make on the following night in the Sun Dance lodge, when he rests his elbow on his
knee and waves the incense during the singing of the four sacred songs. The latter rite, however,
is said to be of a higher order.

May, 1905.

The Cheyenne — Dorsey.

Fig. 16. Lone-tipi priest smoking sacred pipe.

Horse, next in line, and
so the pipe was passed
on to the Chief Priest at
the end of the line, then
passed back unsmoked
to the Lodge-maker.
(See Fig. 16.)

The assistant Chief
Priest handed a new-
knife to the Chief Priest
who touched his finger
to the ground, put it to
his tongue, took a bite
of root, and spat upon
the knife five times, thus

asking a blessing upon it and rendering it harmless. He passed it
back to the assistant Chief Priest who began to decorticate two sticks
about eight inches in length and fashion them into pipe tampers.

The Lodge-maker now sent back to the camp-cifcle and asked
his wife to bring water and additional live coals. This she did, plac-
ing a bucket of water in front of the Chief Priest, who took a bite of
root and spat upon the water four times. She then took a drink and
"handed the bucket to her husband who drank. The latter then held
the bucket to the lips of the Chief Priest in one hand, placing his
other hand on the Chief Priest's head.*

The empty pipe was taken up by the Lodge-maker, filled, lighted
from the fresh coals, and smoked by the men in the line as before,
passed back unsmoked and cleaned by the Chief Priest and laid
down in front of the Lodge-maker. Bull-Tongue joined the priests

and took a place beyond the Chief
Priests at the end of the line.

The Third Earth.
The Chief Priest cleared a small
circular area about two feet in
diameter in front of him. (See Fig.
17.) The pipe was passed to him
and placed on the western edge of
J. ,(_ ,^ I ( , I , _. , , , this cleared space, the stem pointing

form the earth. toward the south, the bowl upward.

*It will be remembered that the Lodge-maker, his wife, and the Chief Priest began feasting
on the night before. They were not supposed to drink until the following night. Drinking water
at this time therefore, was irregular, and required that the water first be purified.

86 Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. IX.

The two sticks which he had decorticated and fashioned into
tampers were placed by the side of the pipe. The Lodge-maker
offered a short prayer. After this he plucked some wool from
his robe and handed it to the Chief Priest, who made a pad
of it. The Lodge-maker moved to the south of the Chief Priest, ex-
tended his hands in front of him, closed his eyes, and turned his
head, while the Chief Priest spat in his hands after the usual fashion.

(See Fig. i8.) The
Lodge-maker rubbed his
hands together, and
pressed them to his head ;
then he held his palms
upward and put the
palm of his left hand on
the ground. The Chief
Priest with his right
hand grasped the right
hand of the Lodge-maker
and caused him to pick
up, after making four
passes, the buffalo wool,
and place it in the palm
of his left hand. Still
having his hand guided by the Chief Priest, the Lodge-maker picked
up- the westermost of the two tampers and placed it beside the pipe.
In the same manner he made four passes with his hand towards the
other tamper, picked it up, and laid it on the buffalo wool. He then
partially closed the fingers of his left hand four times, thus drawing the
buffalo nearer, then he closed his hands over the wool and the end
of the stick, which he now grasped with his right hand and rolled
in the wool, thus wrapping it around the end of the tamper. He
now gave the tamper to the Chief Priest, who arranged the wool
about the stick more perfectly. Then the Chief Priest took the
hand of the Lodge-maker as before, made a circular motion toward
the ground, then four passes with the thumb, then one toward the
southeast, one toward the southwest, one toward the northeast, and
one toward the center, thus forming a new or third earth. The Chief
Priest enlarged the circular space and made it more perfect. The
two tampers were now deposited on the ground just east of the pipe ;
that is, east of the pipe and this newly formed Earth. (See Fig. 19.)
The pipe-stem was pointed as before by the Chief Priest, then the pipe
was lighted and passed along the line, each one smoking. The pipe was

Fig. li

The Chief Priest preparing Lodge-maker's
hands.

May, 1905.

The Cheyenne — Dorsey.

cleaned as on the day before in the Lone-tipi, and the ashes were depos-
ited in the center of the "earth." Before the Lodge-maker rubbed the
pipe-stem, he placed each time the palms of his hands on the ground.
The third earth, it should be noted, was larger than either of the
two formed the day before, and is said to symbolize the moving for-
ward of the warriors. When ashes were placed on it and the pipe-
stem was offered to it, the rite partook of the nature of a prayer that
the earth would bring forth fruit. It may also be noted that the two
tampers, as had been the two preceding pair, were abandoned.

Fig. 19. The pipe-tampers and
new earth.

Fig. 20. The Lodge-maker tak-
ing up the sacred bundle.

The Return to the Lone-Tipi.

The Lodge-maker now made four passes toward the bundle,
picked it up and placed it on his left arm (see Fig. 20), and with the

Chief Priest moved for-
ward toward the east
about fifteen yards, the
remainder of the line
following. After four
passes, the bundle was
put down, and the
priests, as before, stepped
back about twenty feet,
and sat down.* (See
Fig. 21.) Again the pipe
was lighted as before,
and passed to the end
of the line, being smoked
bv each member, where-

FtG. 21. The Lone-tipi priests in line.

*It was noted that as they passed the "earth" just formed, they were on the right or south
side of it, whereas they should have passed by it on the left or north side.

88 Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. IX.

upon it was passed back unsmoked to the Lodge-maker, who again

puffed on it and passed it down the line as before. Again it was

passed back unsmoked and

placed in front of him. The

Lodge-maker, assisted by the

Chief Priest (see Fig. 22) got the

bundle and took up the buffalo

chip which had been lying to the

east of it, placed it on top, then

all in single file returned to the

Lone-tipi and the bundle was
Fig. 22. Chief Priest assisting the ^^^^^^ ^^ ^^^ ^^^^ ^-^^

During the absence of the
priests women had taken down the Lone-tipi and re-erected it. In
this there was no formality, as the change was made because the tipi
at first had not been properly set up. After it was securely fastened
down they cleared a large circular space within, of the same size and
proportion as in the tipi before it was changed.

SECRET RITES IN THE LONE-TIPI.

After resting a few moments, the knife and a stick were passed
to the Chief Priest, who held them out in his right hand in front of
him. He touched the finger of his left hand to the ground, put it to
his tongue, took a bite of root, and spat five times upon the knife
and the stick, holding them in the direction of the assistant Chief
Priest. Then the latter turned away his head, shut his eyes, and
held out both hands. The Chief Priest again touched his finger to
the ground, put it to his tongue, took a bite of root, and spat five
times in the hands of the assistant Chief Priest, into which he then
placed the knife and stick. The assistant Chief Priest decorticated
and fashioned the stick. Deafy lighted a pipe and held it out in
both hands with the stem pointing upwards, pointing it first towards
his right, towards his left, straight ahead, up, out again, and down.
He lighted the pipe, smoked it, and started it around the circle. As
the Chief Priest received the pipe he directed the stem toward the
ground in front of him.

The Lodge-maker was directed by Lone-Wolf to go after cer-
tain objects. He returned bringing a black pipe, live coals, and a
stick, which he gave to Cedar-Tree. The latter made of the stick
two pipe cleaners for the black pipe. The Lodge-maker gave the
assistant Chief Priest some wool from his robe, which the latter placed

May, 1905. The Cheyenne — Dorsey. 89

in front of himself. The -Lodge-maker moved up by the side of the
assistant Chief Priest and the Chief Priest prepared his hands as
before and he wrapped one of the two sticks in the buffalo wool.

The Fourth Earth.

They formed the earth anew, as on the preceding day, making a
circular motion first, then five motions down, the first being to the
southeast, the fifth in the center. The assistant Chief Priest took
up the pipe, and placed it by the side of the new-formed earth, and
by its side the two cleaners, the one bearing the buffalo wool being
next the pipe. The Lodge-maker took up the coal which he had
dropped at random on the cleared space when he brought it in, and^
placed it by the end of the pipe stem. The assistant Chief Priest
picked up the pipe and pointed the stem toward the earth, he lighted
the pipe, took a few whiffs, made a circular motion with the stem of
the pipe over the "earth" and one pass with the stem toward the
"earth," smoked and handed the pipe to the Lodge-maker, who had
resumed his seat next to the door on the south side. He smoked,
first pointing the stem to the ground; then the pipe was passed
around the circle until it was smoked out, and was passed to the
assistant Chief Priest, who cleaned it and put it down. After clean-
ing it he stood it up and moved it toward the Lodge-maker four
times, whereupon the latter grasped it with both hands and took it
to his body, where he pressed it on his right side, then on his left,
then on his right, then on his left, and then along the median line of
his body ; he then rubbed his hands over it and laid it down, then took
it up and filled it, and passed it back to the assistant Chief Priest.

The Sacrifice and Feast.

The Lodge-maker gave the assistant Chief Priest a piece of meat
from the feast which had been brought in. The latter tore off a small
bit and handed it to the Lodge-maker, who raised it aloft, and then
deposited it under the two pipe-cleaners, and pressed his palms over
them and the pipe. The Lodge-maker's wife entered and squatted
down in front of the Chief Priest. He took up a piece of meat from
the bowl of food in front of him, touched his finger to the ground,
and put it to his tongue, took a bite of root, spat upon the meat five
times, and gave it to the Lodge-maker's wife. She moved it toward
her mouth four times, then ate it, and drank some water. She left
the lodge. The Lodge-maker went up and received a piece of meat
from the Chief Priest in the same manner, then the food was distribu-

90 Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. IX.

ted among all those present. The priests ate. After the feast the
pipe was lighted as before. While they were smoking, the Lodge-
maker made the following prayer: "Now, my friends, priests, I
pray for vou and all your children and relatives. Have pity this
day and help me perform the ceremony in the right way, and we will
have good weather if we do so."

The assistant Chief Priest distributed pieces of calico which had
been brought in with the feast, and the dishes were passed out of the
lodge to the women awaiting to receive them.

Spy for the Center-Pole Chosen.

Big-Baby was warned to be on hand early on the following morn-
ing to locate the site of the big lodge, and also to dig the hole for the
center-pole.* One of the priests now told the Lodge-maker to take
a pipe either to Mad-Wolf or to Wolf-Face who, as already explained,
were the only two who had acted as spies when the whole tribe went
out on the war-path, and so one or the other of these two had the
right to act as spy for the site of the lodge-pole.

Smoking the Red Pipe.

The red pipe was filled by the Lodge-maker, and lighted by the
assistant Chief Priest, who blew one puff and directed the point of the
stem toward the "earth." He smoked, and the pipe was passed
around the south half of the circle. The Chief Priest made a short
speech, asking the remaining priests to help him and to support him.

Again the wife of the Lodge-maker brought into the tipi a pail
of water. She went over by the Chief Priest and he touched his
finger to the ground, then put it to his tongue, took a bite of root
and spat upon the water five times. She drank from the pail, which,
however, was held by the Lodge-maker, while she knelt over it and
did not touch it. It was then carried to the Lodge-maker, who took
the pail to the Chief Priest to drink, placing his left hand, as before,
upon his head.

After some discussion, the priests decided to discontinue further
preparation until later in the afternoon. This, as already explained,
was largely due to the fact that certain necessary raw material which
should be prepared on the afternoon had not yet been secured.

* When a man becomes too old to locate the center-pole, some young man may obtain the
privilege by payment of a pony or a present of equal value, and thus obtain the right, and the old
man retires. The one who gets the right must have been a Sun Dance Lodge-maker. He is
given the same name as that given to a pile of stones which is placed on a hill to mark the vicinity
of a spring of water.

May, 1905. The Cheyenne — Dorsey. 91

The Buffalo Skull.

By the time the priests had returned in the afternoon for the
continuation of the secret rites, certain material had been provided
by members of the warrior society and placed at the back of the lodge.
An old buffalo skull had also been placed upside down in front of the
tipi, facing it and at a distance of about fifty feet.

The skull had been brought to the camp by Bushy-Head, a promi-
nent medicine-man of the Kingfisher district. When the Lone-tipi
was erected, the Lodge-maker's wife had taken it from Bushy-Head's
tipi and carried it west of the Lone-tipi, where she placed it on the
ground upside down. There it had remained until Little Hawk, at
noon on this day, carried it in front of the Lone-tipi, where he mo-
tioned it toward the ground four times, then rested it on the ground
on its side and moved it back and forth four times and left it.

The assistant Chief Priest went up to the skull, rubbed both hands
four times over the north half of the skull from the east toward the
west, putting his hands on the ground in front of the skull after each
movement.* Thus he ceremonially cleaned off the element of age
from the skull. He made a prayer. He then made four passes
toward the skull with his hands and grasped it at the base of the
horns, lifted it up, pausing while lifting four times, and turned it
toward the south. Stooping well over it, he lifted it up and carried
it slowly toward the tipi. Having approached the entrance he halted
and motioned the skull toward the tipi four times, thus drawing four
herds of buffalo. Within, he proceeded by way of the south to the
west, and moving the skull four times he placed it so that the anterior
half rested on the cleared space, and faced the center of the tipi.

The Fifth Earth.

The assistant Chief Priest sat down on the south side of the skull
and just in front and at the south side of the jaw formed a new
"earth," representing a buffalo wallow. The Chief 'Priest handed the
sacred bundle to the assistant Chief Priest, who placed it to the south
of him, while the Chief Priest placed the buffalo chip behind the skull.
The latter sat down behind the bundle, unfastened the tie strings, and
removed the pipe which had been tied up in buffalo hair and calico.
He then untied the bundle proper, and from a calico wrapper, inside
of which was a large quantity of buffalo hair, he took out a sack
made of the pericardium of a buffalo heart. He made four passes

* Formerly the log bone of a buffalo was actually rubbed over the skull to ceremonially
purify it.

92 Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. IX.

toward the sack, took it up slowly, and moved it toward the newly
formed "earth." Then, with four lowering motions, he rested it on
the earth and opened it. It contained herbs of some sort, to be used
for thurifying. The Chief Priest tied up the bundle and the assist-
ant Chief Priest placed it on the south side of the sack.

The Rehearsal.

There now followed a pause, during which time the priests talked
and smoked informally, awaiting the time when the Crier should call
the members of the Dew-claw Rattle society to come to the tipi to
rehearse. The Lodge-maker got a live coal, and placed it in the
center of the cleared space. He knelt in front of the Chief Priest,
turned away his head, and closed his eyes, while the Chief Priest
touched his finger to the ground, then to his tongue, took a bite of
root, and spat upon the Lodge-maker's hands five times. The Lodge-
maker rubbed the palms of his hands together and rubbed himself.
He knelt on the south side of the skull and in front of the Chief Priest.
The stick was passed by him to the Chief Priest, and with it he
placed the coal on the "earth" or wallow, which, as will be remem-
bered, was made under the tip of the jaw of the skull. He then made
five passes toward the bag, and from it took a pinch of incense, which
he placed on the coal, first making a downward movement four
times. He then sat down in his accustomed place. This was the
last formal rite of the evening. Shortly after the Dew-claw warriors
entered the tipi, where they spent the greater part of the night in
informally rehearsing songs.

THE FOURTH DAY.

Before beginning the account of the secret rites in the Lone-
tipi, which in the ceremony of 1903 took place on July 14th, it
may again be noted that all the rites about to be described, and
which took place on that day, should have taken place on the pre-
ceding day.

SECRET RITES IN THE LONE-TIPI

Early in this morning a rawhide, folded like a parflesh, the skin
of a rabbit recently killed and which had been brought from the
Northern Cheyenne, a bowl of lime paint, a long strip of sinew, and
ten pipes were taken into the tipi. The rites began at about six
o'clock in the morning, and the same priests, with one or two ex-
ceptions, were present as during the rites of the preceding day.

May, 1905. The Cheyenne — Dorsey. 93

The Lodge-Maker's Robe.

After a short period of smoking, Big-Baby took up the rabbit
skin, because symbohc of food in general, and cut it into nine pieces.
Through each piece he inserted a piece of string. The Lodge-maker
passed to him his buffalo robe, and Big-Baby with an awl made nine
holes in the robe. Eight of these holes were around the border,
one being at the head, one at the tail, four at the four extremities,
one in the middle on each side of the robe, and the ninth hole in the
center. Holding the hair side of the robe out, Big-Baby attached
to each of these holes a piece of the rabbit skin. The Lodge-maker
left the tipi and soon returned bringing with him ten dried rawhide
objects, each in the shape of a rattle. They were new, and as yet
contained neither pebbles nor handles. He also brought a new
hatchet and a piece of wood. By that time Big-Baby had fastened
the last piece of rabbit skin to the robe. Next he mixed some white
lime paint in a bowl and smeared the wool side of the robe with the
paint, drawing a sun symbol on the right and a moon symbol on
the left of the piece of rabbit skin at the center of the robe.* The
paint of the buffalo robe, the location of the pieces of fur, and the
method of inserting the string through the pieces of rabbit skin
may be seen in the diagram. (See Fig. 23.) The Chief Priest
stooped down with his back to Big-Baby and took up the robe with
his two hands, grasping it along the median line. Thus holding it,
he lifted it, pausing four times, completely from the ground, and
put it on the Lodge-maker.

The Feast and the Preparation of the Priests.

The wife of the Lodge-maker brought into the tipi the usual
amount of food for the feast, the first bowl being placed in front
of the Chief Priest.

Deafy, after having his hands prepared by the Chief Priest by
the usual rite, began working on the piece of sinew, which, it has
been noted, was brought into the lodge early in the morning. The
Lodge-maker's hands being prepared in the same manner by the
Chief Priest, he sat down in front of the Chief Priest and ate. The
assistant Chief Priest moved and sat south of the buffalo skull while
his hands were prepared by the Chief Priest. The Lodge-maker

*The robe thus decorated represented a buffalo: of the nine pieces of fur. four represented
the medicine spirits, one the sun, one the moon, one the morning star, one the evening star, and
one the spirit star. The privilege of painting the Lodge-maker's robe and his wife's belt is
obtained by purchase, and may be owned by but one priest at a time. It is now owned by Big-
Baby.

Field Columiuan Museum — Anthropology, Vol, IX.

left the tipi and returned with some Hve coals, which he placed in
the center of the cleared space. The assistant Chief Priest reached
toward the skull, moved his hand four times and picked up the
sack containing the incense, which he tied up in a bundle. Then,
with four more passes, he picked up the sacred bundle and placed
it back of the buffalo skull, first moving it four times toward the
"earth." The bundle was so placed that the stem of the pipe was
pointing toward the south. A large bundle of fresh, long swamp

Fig. 23. Diagram of Lodge-maker's robe.

grass was brought into the lodge and placed by the side of the assistant
Chief Priest and between him and the bundle. Red-Cloud and
Black-Man had their hands prepared by the Chief Priest, and then
the preparation of the objects to be used in the afternoon and on
the following morning began in earnest.

The Woman's Belt,

Cedar-Tree took the rawhide outside the tipi in order to straighten
it out, for, on account of its having been folded, it could not be
opened. Having straightened the rawhide he returned with it, and,
making four motions toward it, cut a belt for the woman. (See

May, 1905.

The Cheyenne — Dorsey.

Fig. 24.) This was about four
inches wide and long enough to go
around her body. At the corners
of each end he made, with a sharp
knife, small holes for the inser-
tion of the tying strings, which he
cut from the remaining rawhide.
He then cut a long strip of raw-
hide to be used in the fork of the
center-pole.

The Lodge-Maker's Head-
dress.

1 u,. 24.

Lcdar lixc preparing the
woman's belt.

Big-Baby began the prepara-
tion of the headrdress for the
Lodge-maker. He took a goose feather, some horsehair, a piece of
sage, the scalp of a red-headed woodpecker, and a piece of the windpipe
of a buffalo. Having assembled the parts and combined them, he
was ready to trim off the loose ends, but before beginning he related
the following war story: "A party went many years ago against
the Shoshoni, who were on Rosebud River. There was one tipi
which we charged, and we killed all, and Little-Shield counted coup
first, Porcupine-Sioux second, and I was the third to strike, and
I took the scalp." He related the war story because he was "scalp-
ing" the head-dress.

Before painting the head-dress he fashioned the skirt to be worn
by the woman. After this he motioned four times to the base of
the head-dress and took it up, and on the right side of it he painted
a white line, then a line on the left, another on the right, and another
on the left. He then handed it to the Lodge-maker, who grasped
it in both hands and drew it back against his body on his right side,
then on his left, then on his right, then on his left, and then to the
middle of his body. He then gave it a circular motion four times
around his head, beginning first at the southeast comer. He then
brought it against his breast again and finally placed it on his head.

The Woman's Skirt.

Having finished the head-dress, Big-Baby began to make a buck-
skin skirt for the woman. Formerly this was made of buffalo hide,
but as it is impossible to secure buffalo it is now made of buckskin.
This was cut in rectangular shape, about three feet wide and four

96 Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. IX.

feet long. It was folded so that the two narrow ends were brought
together and along these edges holes were made so that it could be
laced. Having fashioned the tying strings, he thrust his fingers in
the white lime paint and drew them irregularly over both exposed
faces of the skirt, the markings being symbolic of rabbit tracks.

The Lodge-Maker's Whistle.

Deafy now prepared the eagle wing bone whistle to be used by
the Lodge-maker. He attached to it a buckskin thong by which
it could be suspended about the neck, and tied to it a piece of sage.

Preparing the Buffalo Skull.

While the priests under the direction of the Chief Priest were
preparing the ceremonial costumes of the Lodge-maker and his wife,
the assistant Chief Priest had been working continuously for over
an hour on the buffalo skull. First he took up the bundle of swamp
grass and began to fashion three large plugs for the two eye sockets
and the nasal cavity. These finished, the Lodge-maker was re-
minded that before he painted the skull or proceeded further he
should have his compensation for the service. Consequently the
Lodge-maker prayed as follows: "Please do this right; all of you
will be happy; have pity on me and if you will perform this as you
ought you will receive benefits from the ceremony," and left the
tipi. He soon returned, bringing a gun, which he presented to the
assistant Chief Priest. The latter made four moves with his hand
and picked up one of the grass plugs and moved it four times toward
the eye socket and inserted it. He repeated these motions while
he placed in position the second plug. He then completed the piece
which was to be placed in the nasal cavity; attempting to insert it,
he discovered that the nasal bones were in the way. As he broke
these out, one of the priests remarked that work of that nature
should be done outside of the lodge.

He knelt down behind the skull and painted a black line along
the median line of the skull from back to front. The line was about
an inch in width and represented the road to the four medicine
spirits. Parallel with this and on each side he painted a narrower
line in white, which also extended from the base to the anterior
part of the skull. He then painted the remainder of the skull,
including the horns, red. The white lines represented day, the
black night, the red of the skull the earth. He then painted the
two grass plugs in the eye and nasal sockets red; they represented

May, 1905.

The Cheyenne — Dorsey.

the vegetation of the
earth. He next painted on
the right jaw a large circle
in solid red, representing
the sun, and on the left
jaw, in black, a crescent, or
moon symbol, making four
passes with his finger be-
fore he began painting these
two symbols. (See Fig. 25.)
He then wrapped up the
paints and placed the bags
by the side of the sacred
bundle, and the temporary
altar was complete. (See Fig. 26.)

Fig. 25. The buffalo skull.

The Center-Pole Image.

Cedar-Tree; from the piece of rawhide remaining after he made
the woman's belt, cut out the image of an armless man about twelve
inches in length, fashioning it so that it had a membrum of undue
proportions. Both sides of the posterior half of the figure, from the
union of the legs to the top of the head, he painted black, with
charcoal. The anterior half of the figure on both sides was left
plain or white. Then he fastened to the top of the figure an eagle
breath feather. (See Fig. 27.) The image was called a "person,"
or, more strictly speaking, a Pawnee; that is, it represented in general
the enemies of the Cheyenne, but the Pawnee especially, because

Fig. 26. The buffalo-skull altar in the Lone-tipi.

98 FiKLD Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. IX.

Fig. 27. The rawhide human effigy.

they were the enemies
that they most hated.
The white represented
the earth ; the black the
clouds ; hence the figure
also represented their
enemies, both above and
below. Later the same
priest took two long
pieces of sinew and
twisted them, and with
the rope thus made he
suspended the figure
from the center fork.

The Drum-Stick Rattles.

It has been noted that ten rawhide objects, to be used as rattles,
had been brought into the tipi on this morning, together with a
bundle of Cottonwood sticks about four feet long. Deafy and another
priest began to prepare the sticks and to trim and cut them into
equal lengths; one of them was decorated. These were inserted in
the mouth of the body of the rattles into which had first been placed
pebbles. The place of union of the handle with the rattle was
wrapped with sinews and the drum-stick rattles were complete.

Filling the Sacred Pipe.

It was then time to refill the sacred straight black pipe that
had been smoked on the previous night. As the operation differed
somewhat from the first, it
is again described in full.
(PI. XXV.) The a.ssistant
Chief Priest took his place
by the side of the sacred
bundle, moved his hands
toward it four times, picked
it up and placed it in front
of him. (See Fig. 28.) He
untied it and took out the
pipe, stem, braided sweet-
grass, and piece of sinew,
and retied the bundle. He b u;. 2«. l- iiling the sacred pipe.

Pl. XXV. Filling the Sacred Pipe.

FIELD COLUMBIAN MUSEUM.

ANTHROPOLOGY, PL. XXV.

May, 1905.

The Cheyenne — Dorsey.

took the sinew and tore from it five shreds and placed them across
his hands as in the rite already described, the act of closing the hand
now representing people coming together to be united.

The Lodge-maker moved toward the west and sat between the
assistant Chief Priest and the Chief Priest. He opened out his
buffalo robe and placed on it some tobacco. The Chief Priest then
prepared the hands of the Lodge-
maker by the usual method; then
the assistant Chief Priest, taking
the two hands of the Lodge-maker
with his own, caused him to pick
up the bowl of the pipe (see Fig.
29), draw it toward him, pausing
four times, and stand it on end.
He then caused him to pick up
the sinew, make a circular motion
with it over the pipe bowl, and
four passes toward the bowl, and
then the sinew was placed in the
pipe. Next the assistant Chief
Priest caused him to make four
passes and grasp the tamper, with
which he caused him to make the circular motion and the four passes,
and then to push the pellet of sinew half-way down the pipe, measur-
ing with the tamper itself to locate the exact division. Contin-
uing to grasp the hands of the Lodge-maker, the assistant Chief
Priest caused him to make one circular motion over the tobacco,
and four toward it, whereupon a small pinch was placed in the bowl
at the southeast side, the Lodge-maker's hands circling the bowl and
being directed toward it four times. Again the circular motion was
made, and the four passes, and another pinch of tobacco was picked
up, which was again circled around the bowl of the pipe and motioned
toward it four times and placed in the southeast corner. With
similar movements a pinch was placed in the northwest and north-
east corners and in the center of the bowl. The circular motion
and the four passes were made to pick up the tamper. The circular
motion and passes were made toward the bowl and the tobacco was
tamped. These movements were continued three additional times.
The pipe was then completely filled without further formality and
smoothed down at the top with the thumb. A circular motion was
made over the tobacco, and, with the assistant Chief Priest still
directing the Lodge-maker's hands, he brought the bowl forward

Fig. 2g. Picking up the bowl ul ih
sacred pipe.

loo Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. IX.

and placed it in front of the stem, and by similar movement inserted
the stem. The assistant Chief Priest then applied a bit of tallow
over the mouth of the bowl to prevent the tobacco from spilling
out, and greased the stem. He grasped the hands of the Lodge-
maker and caused him to pick up the buffalo wool, put it on the
end of the stem and wrap it around.* Then, the hands in the same
position, the pipe bowl was drawn toward the stem. The hands
were released and again the bowl of the pipe was drawn forward
as before. With two more movements the bowl was in contact
with and ready for the insertion of the stem. This was done by
the assistant Chief Priest without formalitv.

Painting the Sacred Pipe.

The Chief Priest went to the Lodge-maker's side and took up
the pipe, rested it on the buffalo chip,t and wiped it from end to

end four times, thus purifying the
pipe, and so all people, and draw-
ing the buffalo to them, and handed
the pipe to the assistant Chief
Priest. A coal, symbolic of heat
and light for all animals, people,
etc., was placed in front of the
assistant Chief Priest by the Lodge-
maker and he laid the pipe down,
pausing before placing it on the
ground, four times. The assistant
Chief Priest again took the two
hands of the Lodge-maker, and
with four passes picked up a pinch
of red paint, and with four passes
placed it in the palm of the Lodge-
maker's left hand; four similar
passes and tallow was added ; four
passes and a pinch of sweet-grass was placed upon the coal. The
Lodge-maker then rubbed and mixed the tallow in his hands, and
bathed them four times, as already described, in the incense. He
then made four passes, picked up the pipe in his left hand, made
four passes with his right hand, and drew it up the pipe twice. (See
Fig. 30.) He transferred the pipe to his right hand and repeated

^^^^^^Kf^^^^ml

^mi

Kfl

I^^^HlkJ

|^H[H;jHn

^[^?^r^vSIIIP

mps

Jf^93|Q|^&^';^'>~ ' ^

til.' 'v' 1

'"' ' -j^

f- .,

Fig. 30. Painting the sacred pipe.

♦Thus in smoking the pipe they would draw the buffalo to them.

tThe chip is symbolic of the food of the buffalo and hence of life in general.

/oo

lOO

PL. XXVI. Preparing the Fire-spoon and Earth-peg.

*^*:n

•AVr

May, 1905.

The Cheyenne — Dorsey.

the motions twice with his
left hand. He grasped the
pipe with both hands and
moved them slowly upward,
each time rubbing his hands
around the stem. By con-
tinuing this movement four
times he reached the end of
the bowl, where he rubbed
his hands over the end of
the tobacco. (See Fig. 31.)
The assistant Chief Priest
laid the pipe down by the
side of the skull, first making
four passes, the stem point-
ing toward the east. The
tamper was put between the
pipe and the skull.

Fig. 31. Painting the sacred pipe.

The Earth-Peg and the Fire-Spoon.
As the earth-peg, or digging stick, and the fire-spoon could not
be made within the tipi, Good-Man and Medicine-Bundle left the
tipi and began work outside on two cottonwood sticks about five
feet long, which had been placed there for that purpose; the former
preparing the peg, the latter the spoon. (See PI. XXVI.) Before
applying a knife to the wood both priests motioned it towards the
stick four times. Then Medicine-Bundle measured on his stick from
his left elbow to the finger tip of his right hand. The spoon (see
Fig. 32) when finished was five feet eight inches in length, had a

'iir I jiiir'tiiifi ■ f-"iitrtr-- i^iiiir~'""iTii;iaiiiniri

'1111111"^''' - ■ - ^H li" i titii -"-'''■^' ""^''H lii'L

Fig. 32. Tlie fire-spoon.

long, straight handle and a narrow bowl ten inches in length, the
distance being measured by doubling the length from the wrist
to the finger tip. It is used only in the Sun Dance lodge by the
Lodge-maker in carrying coals, and is so constructed as to prevent
fire from dropping as he carries it.*

The stick to be used as the peg was measured by Good-Man
from his left shoulder to the finger tip of his right hand. When

♦This action is symbolic of fire in the tipi, which he wishes to bum as the lodge fire does, for
they formerly took fire to their homes and it burned and gave them health. They surrounded
the fire with bent sticks, or tongs, each eager to get ahead of the other.

I02 P'lELD Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. IX.

--•^:iz:::zwac3C)

finished (see Fig. ^;^) it meas
ured three feet ten inches in

Fig. 33. The earth-peg. length, was pointed at one

end, and at the other had five
cup-shaped figures three inches in length ; these were produced by
making deep notches around the stick at regular intervals, and are
symbolic of the four medicine spirits and the sun. It is to be used
later in locating the altar, etc., and finally finds a permanent resting-
place in the center fork, from which the four medicine spirits look
down.

Their work concluded, the priests took the peg and spoon in-
side the tipi. The spoon was placed on the cleared space and the
peg was handed to the assistant Chief Priest, who carefully placed
it behind the skull, with its point directed toward the west.

The Noonday Feast.

Food and water were brought into the tipi by the wife of the
Lodge-maker and her friends. This time she sat down and remained
during the meal. The Lodge-maker made the usual sacrifice, the
priests ate, and the food bowls and remaining food were removed.
The Lodge-maker went out and secured live coals which he placed
in front of the Chief Priest, taking his seat between him and the
assistant Chief Priest. The latter prepared his hands in the usual
manner, while the Chief Priest prepared those of the Lodge-maker,
who lighted a pipe, and after the customary offerings the pipe was
passed about the circle.

The Enemy Arrow.

About the middle of the forenoon Red-Cloud unwrapped a bundle
which he had brought into the tipi in the morning and took out
four arrows, which he handed to the assistant Chief Priest, who
placed them behind him. At the same time there had been given him
a piece of dried meat which had been cut from the ribs ; this he had
placed by the side of the arrows. He took a pinch of sweet-grass
and placed it in front of the Chief Priest. Then he turned and
took up one of the four arrows from behind him, carrying it west
of the point of the earth-peg and directing the point toward the
door of the tipi. He rested it by the Lodge-maker and held it so
that the point was directed upward. The Lodge-maker prepared
red paint and tallow and incensed the paint by making the four
passes with his closed and open hands, as already described, and

May, 1905. The Cheyenne — Dorsey. 103

rubbed his palms together.* The assistant Chief Priest took the
Lodge-maker's right hand in his and caused him to make four passes
toward the arrow from the point to the tip. The Lodge-maker
rubbed his hands together, and he drew his hand up on the north
side of the arrow, thus raising the people. He reversed the point
and drew his left hand up on the south side of the arrow. Then
the Lodge-maker grasped the arrow with both hands and extended
his hands upward, making four pauses, as when painting the pipe.
As he grasped it the last time each thumb was extended to the end
of the wooden shaft. He did this four times. He then carefully
painted such portions of the arrow as had not already been painted,
including the feathers. During this time the point of the arrow
had been directed upward. The arrow was reversed and the point
was directed toward the ground. In this position it was carried
backward, south of the skull, south of the "earth," and west of
the earth-peg, laid down and pushed forward four times, until it
rested by the three unpainted arrows.

Painting the Earth-Peg.

The assistant Chief Priest turned, made four passes toward
the earth-peg, lifted it and stood it up in front of him. He took
the index finger of the Lodge-maker's right hand, and with four
passes caused him to draw a circular line around the peg, about
two-thirds of the way up from the point. He caused the Lodge-
maker to paint a similar band just above this in red, the red paint
being about four inches below the lowest medicine symbol. Then,
without formality, the assistant Chief Priest deepened the color and
made it more regular, and the Lodge-maker, without further for-
mality painted the lower two thirds of the stick in solid red, thus
imitating the painting of the center-pole of the great lodge, and
in fact the whole lodge and the people. Then, in the same manner,
the Lodge-maker was caused to paint a black circle about an inch
above the red, making first four passes, the assistant Chief Priest
holding the peg. As the red circle represented the earth, so this
white or unpainted part represented the day, while the black was
symbolic of night. Then the Lodge-maker, without further assist-
ance, painted the remainder or upper third of the peg, black. Then
the peg was replaced by the assistant Chief Priest, the point being
turned toward the west, and the peg being given four forward move-
ments before it was laid down.

*His hands represented the earth, while the incense went to the sun and to the four medicine-
spirits, thus the earth was made to grow.

I04 Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol, IX.

The Arrow and the Earth-Peg.

The assistant Chief Priest took up the side of jerked beef and
cut from the center a circular-shaped flap about three inches in diam-
eter. Lone-Wolf touched the ground with his finger, spat in his
hands five times, and said: "Whenever 3'ou perform this ceremony
for your 'father' you will do this, and when you do this, do it in
this way." The assistant Chief Priest took up the single painted
arrow from the bundle of four and ran it through the opening to
about one-third of its length, and then he took the earth-peg and
ran it through, repeating what Lone-Wolf had told him.* Then
he made four motions and laid the objects down south of the pipe,
the point of the earth-peg pointing east and projecting out on the
bare cleared ground. The side of beef and the three unused arrows
were carried out of the tipi.

Painting the Lodge-Maker and his Wife.

With the above performance the last of the Lone-tipi rites was
at an end; it only remained to paint and dress the Lodge-maker
and his wife and abandon the tipi. As the priests, according to
custom, were to receive the garments which the couple wore at the
time of the beginning of the painting, they both had left the tipi
shortly before this time and had returned, each completely clad in a
fine buckskin suit. Both took a sip of water, which was to be the
last until the end of the ceremony. f The Lodge-maker sat down
in front of Big-Baby and his wife sat down in front of Black-Man,
both priests having had their hands prepared by the Chief Priest.
The Lodge-maker and his wife removed their outer garments. Big-
Baby made four passes toward the Lodge-maker's hair and handed
him a comb with which he combed his hair back of his ears. Black-
Man at the same time made four passes and combed the Lodge-
maker's wife's hair. Big-Baby dipped the tips of his fingers in the
white paint, rubbed his hands together, and with the fingers of each
hand made in the palm of the other hand a figure like the one here

given > < This was to draw presents to the Lodge-maker and

his wife. He then passed his hands down over her breast, up her

♦Thus the desire was expressed that their arrows while on the hunt should be as effective as
this arrow.

tFrom that time they were to imitate the great medicine-spirit who long ago fasted forty
days and then took pity on the world and made it. He sent a messenger to the Cheyenne and
told the messenger how long he was to fast, and he told him to fast four days each time, each
period to represent ten of the forty which the great medicine-spirit fasted. Thus they were to
imitate him and fast forty days, in order to learn how to make the earth.

May, 1905.

The Cheyenne — Dorsey.

105

arms to the top of her head and down her legs, for the four medicine-
spirits and the sun, for the Lodge-maker and his wife desired to be
supported by those beings. As the hands were passed down the
legs, the tips of the fingers were placed in such a manner as to give
the painting a grained appearance. This represented straight roads,
which they desire them to follow. The legs, breast, and back of both
Lodge-maker and his wife were thoroughly coated with paint. Then
the entire bodies were both completely painted and grained. The
white gypsum paint is said to be endurable, sound, hard, heavy,
and never dies; it represents the white earth. Thus the Lodge-
maker and his wife express the desire that their life may be pro-
longed until old age.

Both priests next painted on their subjects the symbols of the
medicine-spirits, sun and moon. The first, or medicine-spirit of
the south, was represented by a black circular line encompassing
the right ankle ; the west spirit by a line around the right wrist ; the
north spirit by a line around the left wrist; and the east spirit by
a line around the right ankle. The sun symbol, a circular black
disc, was placed on the breast, and a crescent representing the moon
was placed on the back of the right shoulder. Next a black circle
was painted around the face, representing the earth, the circle being
begun at the chin and continued to the left side of the face, and
on around. Projecting from this circle toward the center of the
face were four short lines,
one in front of each ear,
one in the center of the
forehead, and one on the
chin. These represented
the four medicine-spirits.
On the nose was painted
a black dot representing
the sun. Small wreaths
of sage were fastened on
the right ankle and right
wrist, and . on the left
wrist and ankle, being so
fashioned as to project
for several inches back-
ward on the ankles and downward on the wrists. The wreaths repre-
sented sacrifices and growth, and were also symbols of medicine-spirits,
for now the time of growth is approaching. Next the head-dress of
each was placed in position ; then a whistle was put over the Lodge-

FiG. 34. The Lodge-maker, in ceremonial costume.

io6 Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. IX.

maker's head, the priest making
first four passes. (See Fig. 34.)
Black-Man tied a bunch of sage in
the hair over each ear of the wo-
man to express the desire that the
grass should come. (See Fig. 35.)
The Lodge-maker put on a long
buckskin kilt which was tied on
his right side. Big-Baby placed
five bunches of sage in the Lodge-
maker's belt, one being attached
it each side, both in front and
behind, and one in the center, in
front. Black-Man painted the wo-
man's hair white, and Big-Baby
painted the Lodge-maker's white.

The white hair was indicative of the desire that they might come to

be gray haired, and thus live to old age.

Fig. 35. The Lodge-maker's wife in
ceremonial costume.

The Priests Prepare to Leave the Lone-Tipi.

Black-Man folded the robe of the woman so that the hair side
was out and fastened it around her, holding it in place by the belt,
which he drew tight in front of her, the robe being placed like a
skirt, and reaching up under her arms. Big-Baby passed the paint
to Cedar-Tree, who painted the under half of the. image which he
had made. The point was taken out of the arrow and the feathers
were stripped down, and it was painted white. Cedar-Tree then
held up the image and the arrow, and said: "I went on the war-
path on the Arkansas River as a scout, and spied the enemy. Again
I went as spy, and while out I killed an enemy." The Lodge-maker
went over to Cedar-Tree and after four passes received the image
and arrow. He took them close to his body, first to his right, then
to his left, to his right, to his left, and to the middle of his body,
thus receiving the power which had enabled Cedar-Tree to be victo-
rious. The arrow was broken, because it was the enemy's arrow,
thus indicating that so it shall be with all of their arrows if they
come against the Cheyenne. The arrow and image were placed by
the side of Cedar-Tree and all smoked. The Lodge-maker and his
wife were barefooted. Deafy left the lodge and brought in two
pairs of moccasins, which they put on.

May, 1905.

The Cheyenne — Dorsey.

107

THE LONE-TIPI IS ABANDONED.

The priests arose, and all except the Chief Priest, the Lodge-
maker and his wife passed around by way of the north of the tipi
and passed outside, where they circled the lodge by way of the east,
north, west, and sat on the south. A large bowl of water was passed
within the lodge. The Chief Priest took a bite of root, spat on the
water as before, and both the Lodge-
maker and his wife stepped over and
drank copiously, making four nods with

their heads toward the water and four ;

movements with their lips before
drinking. This was to be the last
time they were to drink until the
ceremony should end. The woman
took a position behind the buffalo
skull.

The Chief Priest placed the bundle
on one side and the buffalo chip on
top of it. He took the woman's hands
in his, made four' passes toward the
skull, and she grasped it just in front
of the horns, gently lifted upon it four
times, then raised it from the ground
and carried it slowly forward by way of the north or left toward the
center of the tipi and passed on outside the tipi. (See Fig. 36.)
The Lodge-maker took up the black and red pipes and followed. The

other priests re-
turned within the
tipi and ^took a
drink out of the
bowl. The priests
took up the re-
maining objects,
one the rattles,
another the earth-
peg, another the
altar brush, etc.,
and passed out-
side and formed
in line behind the
Fig. 37. The priests abandoning the Lone-tipi. (Mooney.) woman carrying

t IG. 36. 1 lie Lodge-maker's wife
carrying buffalo skull.

io8 Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. IX.

thebufifalo skull. (See Fig. 37 and PI. XXVII.) The woman pro-
ceeded toward the Sun Dance lodge and about a hundred feet from the

tipi stopped, and the whole line
halted. She deposited the skull on
the ground (See Fig. 38), and the
others walked forward and placed
the objects they were carrying
by the side of the skull. Then all
fell back about twenty feet and
sat in a semi-circular line facing
the center of the camp-circle (see
Fig. 39), the Lodge-maker being
at the south end (see Fig. 40), his
wife at the other.

Fig. 38.

Ludge-maker's wife depositing
the buffalo skull.

Fig. 39. The Lone-tip! priests.

PUBLIC RITES OF THE FORENOON.

Before proceeding further with a descrip-
tion of the rites about to follow, it is ne-
cessary to relate the events which were
publicly performed on this day, especially
those which have to do with the erection
of the Sun Dance lodge.

Counting Coup at the Site of the
Center-Pole.

It will be remembered that Big-Baby was
charged with the responsibility of the per-
formance of certain rites in connection with

Fig. 40. The Lod
at end of line of

ge-maker
priests.

■K

/o^

HiT-aMoJ 3HT (BMwoanAaA 8Te3ifl*=l .IIVXX .js

}

PL. XXVII. Priests Abandoning the Lone-tipi.

FIELD COLUMBIAN MUSEUM.

ANTHROPOLOGY, PL. XXVII.

^^W{

■r

*V'

'^fc^-^^

«>%

^^^^^^^^^^n t^^Bi^

' ^^^^^^^^^H

/a^

FIELD COLUMBIAN MUSEUM.

ANTHROPOLOGY, PL. XXVIII.

fC 0

Pl. XXVIII. Leaders of Societies in Ceremonial Attire.

f c ^

Pl. XXIX. Counting Coup at Site of Center-pole. (Mooney.)

(.Y3MO

8 TA qUOO OMi

i*"

May, 1905.

The Cheyenne — Dorsey.

109

the center fork. On the night of the second day he had decided
on a spot suitable for the center-pole and there had erected a few
boughs. Early on this morning the two old spies, Wolf-Face and
Mad-Robe, rode around the camp-site, entered the camp-circle at
the east door, and rode up to the site of the medicine-lodge and
struck the sticks and grass which had been erected by Big-Baby,
each first relating his war story. This is supposed to awaken enthu-
siasm in the rest of the tribe to go after the lodge poles. By striking
the boughs each indicated that
he was still active and had
struck the enemy inside of his
tipi. One of these two spies,
it will be remembered, is sup-
posed to have located the cen-
ter-pole in the woods and to
have counted coup on it. In
the mean time all the members
of the different warrior socie-
ties had been assembling at
the lodges of their leaders, all
gayly dressed in full and elab-
orate costume, or in the spe-
cial regalia of their order, and
all were mounted on their best
ponies. (See PL XXVIII.)
Those who had been warriors
had painted their horses in
appropriate war medicine
paint. As fast as each society
was ready, the members entered the camp-circle on horseback,
riding at full speed and yelling and shouting. Each bore a long
willow pole to represent a lance, and a shield of cotton wood
boughs. They rode directly toward the site of the center-pole, passed
on and, still on the run, counted coup on the boughs. (See PI.
XXIX.) Bands of women gayly attired and provided with long
willows also counted coup, and then set off to assist the men in
the timber. (See Fig. 41.)

Timbers for the Sun Dance Lodge.
All the poles to be used in the formation of the lodge, except
the center-pole, are brought to the site of the lodge by the warrior
societies, each society being supposed to bring to the lodge a certain

Fig. 41. Women with head-dresses and
lances of willow. (Mooney.)

no Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. IX.

m^'

pole, which is to form one of the four poles to be decorated and
painted, and which are to represent the four medicine-spirits, and
in addition at least four uprights and four rafter poles and four cross-
beams. Thus the Dew-claws brought in a pole for the southeast,
the Coyotes a pole for the southwest, the Red-Shields a pole for the
northwest, and the Dog-Men a pole for the northeast. All timbers
for the lodge are provided on the day of its erection, and the assem-
bling of the poles by the societies is always the occasion of good fellow-
ship and merriment.

The various organizations, after they had counted coup, returned
to the entrance or eastern gateway of the camp-circle where, still
on the inside of the circle, they turned toward the south and paraded
entirely around the circle, always being careful to pass to the east

of the Lone-tipi, and not
between it and the camp-
circle. (See Fig. 42.) They
continued on around to the
west and north to the en-
trance, where they passed
outside of the circle and
made another circuit of the
circle, this time on the out-
side. Then they returned
to the northeast corner of
the circle and there awaited
the other warrior societies.
When they all had arrived
they went to the timber as
before to bring in the tim-
bers for the lodge. (See Pis.
XXX. and XXXI.)
This work occupied nearly all the forenoon and was accom-
panied by the utmost hilarity and enthusiasm. After a sufficient
number of the timbers had been brought to the site of the lodge,
the societies gathered in groups, some in tipis especially erected near
by for this purpose, and awaited the arrival of the Lodge-maker.

The Lodge-Maker Invites the Warrior Societies'
Assistance.

At about the middle of the afternoon the Lodge-maker left the
Lone-tipi, carrying with him ten pipes, one of which he presented
to the leader of each of the warrior societies, which were now

Fig. 42.

A warrior society en route to the
timber.

ffO

vf^'

PL. XXX. Warrior Societies Parading.

FIELD COLUMBIAN MUSEUM.

ANTHROPOLOGY, PL. XXX.

%^ -i.n.-

PL. XXXI. Bringing in the Timbers for the Lodge.

FIELD COLUMBIAN MUSEUM.

IfO
ANTHROPOLOGY, PL. XXXI.

^-sri^^Vi

£f^LtH*j"iS'*.'Si

/^c

FIELD COLUMBIAN MUSEUM.

ANTHROPOLOGY, PL. XXXII.

ffd

Pl. XXXII. The Lodge-maker Inviting the Societies.

f/0

*5!

PL. XXXIII. Building the Sun Dance Lodge.

.3000iJ 30HAC

//o

FIELD COLUMBIAN MUSEUM

ANTHROPOLOGY, PL. XXXIV.

(

f/0

PL. XXXIV. Building the Sun Dance Lodge.

May, 1905.

The Cheyenne — Dorsey.

assembled for this purpose near
the center of the camp-circle.
(See PI. XXXII.) They were
accepted and the smoking of the
pipe signified their willingness to
lend their assistance in erecting
the lodge. The leaders of the
societies began to step off the
ground from the right of the
center fork, and this done, to
dig the holes and place in posi-
tion the outer uprights and join
them by cross-bars. (See Figs.
43 and 44, and Plates XXXIII.
and XXXIV.)

Fig. 43. Preparing the timbers for the lodge.

The Center-Pole.

While the lodge was in process of erection, chiefs were securing
the center-pole, for chiefs only may participate in bringing the pole

to the camp-circle. On this

day they themselves selected
one of their number and, led
by him, they went to the tim-
ber where a tree to be used as
the center-pole had already
been selected. Here they
halted and the leader talked
to the tree as if it were a
person, saying: "The whole
world has picked you out
this day to represent the
world. We have come in a
body for this purpose, to
cut you down, so that you
will have pity on all men,
women, and children who may take part in this ceremony.
You are to be their body. You will represent the sunshine of
all the world." Another chief, necessarily one who had run
an enemy through with a knife or an ax, stepped forth and
related a war story in which he told how he had performed
such a deed; then he struck the tree, whereupon the younger
and more active chiefs began to fell the tree. Formerly

Fig. 44. Erecting tlie lodge.

112 Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. IX.

Fig. 45. The chiefs bringing in the
center-pole, igoi.

the tree was dragged to its
final resting - place by lariat
ropes, but in recent times, at
any rate during the two cere-
monies witnessed, it was
brought into the camp-circle
on a wagon, the mounted chiefs
riding behind the wagon. (See
Fig. 45.) As they made the
journey from the timber to the
site of the Sun Dance lodge , they
halted four times for the four
medicine-spirits, and as they
laid the tree down in the cen-
ter of the lodge it corre-
sponded to the sun.

The Hole for the Center-Pole.

The right to dig the hole for the center-pole is acquired by pay-
ment, and is considered worthy of attainment, for it confers certain
privileges and honors. Thus, in 1903, the rite was performed by
Big-Baby, who, in turn, had purchased it from Left-Hand Bull.
(See Figs. 46.) The privilege was transferred at the close of the rite
by Big-Baby to Shave-Head, who presented Big-Baby with a gun.

After the pole had been placed in the lodge by the chiefs, the
forked end being directed toward the west, the end of the hole was
measured by means of a small twig which was placed on the ground

Fig. 46. Digging the hole for the center-pole.

May, 1905.

The CheyEiXNe — Dorsey.

113

where the hole was to be
located. The stick was
first circled over the earth,
and then directed to it
four times, and then to a
point on the southeast;
the stick was directed once
for each of the other three
corners and again circled
over the center and
directed four times for the
center. Next the stick
was placed so that it was
directly east and west, and

Fig. 47. Spectators making offerings.

then transversely so that it was directly north and south. Thus a
cross, inclosed within a circle, was indicated, and there the hole was
dug without further formality. In the mean time Big-Baby cut ofiE
the end of the tree to make it the right length.

THE COMPLETION OF THE SUN DANCE LODGE.

The lodge was at this time complete except the center-pole, one
cross-bar on the eastern side, and the reach, or rafter poles. The

warrior organizations
were present in groups
and the whole camp was
present to witness the
first great public rite of
the ceremony.

Many came forward
lo the line of priests (see
I'^ig. 47) carrying bits of
lalico, which later were
10 be tied on the cen-
ter-pole, and in their
hands a pipe which
they offered to one or
another of the priests,
thus asking the priests to pray for them.* Many also came and
offered bits of calico to the skull, holding it up first by two corners

*In presenting their pipes to the various priests at this time they were guided in their selec-
tion by their belief in the individual ability of the priest to make a good prayer for them, and
especially by the life which the priest had led.

Fig. 48. Maki

lo llic: builfii

ikul

114 Field Columhian Museum — Axthropology, Vol. IX.

just back of the skull and praying over it. (See Fig. 48.) Others
came up to the skull and held up their hands over it and prayed.
(See Fig. 49.) This rite, including the offering of calico to the lodge-
pole to be made later, and the offering of calico to the skull, is in
the nature of a prayer that their children may grow up and be under
the favor and protection of the medicine-spirits. The atmosphere
of the whole assembled multitude at that time was one of supreme
religious fervor and enthusiastic happiness. The warrior societies

were singing encouraging
songs, and in another
place were heard the chiefs
beating upon the drums
and singing, while one
after another of their
number arose and related
some episode of his war
experience.

The wives and rela-
tives of the men who were
to dance and fast in the
ceremony began to ap-
proach the line of priests
Fig. 40. Priests smoking offering pipes. 1 ■ r j • j

" ^ ^ ^ bearmg food m pans and

pails. The Lodge-maker took a piece of food from one of these
vessels, and stepping forward, that is, toward the north and in the
direction of the lodge, he held it aloft and dropped it upon the ground,
thus offering it to the medicine -spirits. He then returned to the line
of priests.

Painting the Lodge-Poles.

The Lodge-maker was joined by Bull-Tongue and they together
left the line of priests and went toward the lodge, where they made
a complete circuit, passing beyond the reach poles which radiated
out from the sides of the lodge. This circuit was symboHc of the
circular symbol which was reproduced later by means of a small
black circle on the breast of the dancers. Again they began to circle
the lodge and its outlying poles. Having reached the southeast
corner of the lodge they encountered one of the four reach poles*
which had been decorticated and which represented the medicine
spirit of the southeast. Bull-Tongue approached it at its base, for its
small end was directed toward the lodge. Here Bull-Tongue moved

* These reach poles or rafters are given the same name as is given to the poles of a tipi.

><y

FIELD COLUMBIAN MUSEUM.

ANTHROPOLOGY, PL. XXXV.

1»

PL. XXXV. Painting the Lodge Poles.

FIELD COLUMBIAN MUSEUM.

ANTHROPOLOGY, PL. XXXVI.

''i

Pl. XXXVI. Painting the Lodge Poles.

May, 1905.

The Cheyenne — Dorsey.

115

his right foot toward the base four times and placed his foot upon
it; then he stepped aside, and his movements were imitated by
the Lodge-maker. They continued on around the lodge, completing
the circuit. Continuing, they stopped at the southwest reach pole,
where they went through the same motion again, Bull-Tongue first,
the Lodge-maker following, as before. Then they made the fifth
and last circuit of the lodge. This time they halted at the north-
east reach pole, where the same movements were performed. Thus
they had made five complete circuits of the lodge, their movements
having the same symbolism as the forming of the "earth" with the
thumb in the Lone-tipi. At the first pole they made one step, at
the second pole two steps, etc., four steps being made at the fourth
pole. From the northeast pole they continued toward the east,
where, at the entrance of the lodge, they turned in and approached
the base of the center-pole, which at this time was lying by the side
of the hole which had been excavated to receive it. Here Bull-
Tongue moved his foot toward the base four times, then stepped
upon it and walked five steps. Then he stepped back while the
same movements were gone through with by the Lodge-maker. They
then passed outside of the lodge and returned to the line of priests.
Bull-Tongue and the Lodge-maker, carrying black and red paint,
again left the line of the priests and approached the lodge toward
the southeast reach pole. (See Plates XXXV. and XXXVL) Bull-
Tongue lay down on the ground and placed his right arm at the
base of the pole and extended his left arm upward on the pole as
far as he could reach. He
then moved his body up
toward the pole until the
center of his breast was ex-
actly over the point of the
pole indicated by the fingers
of his left hand. From this
point he measured to the tip
of forefinger of his out-
stretched left hand. (See
Fig. 50.) Having thus
measured off on the pole one
and a half times his total
finger reach, he laid his right
hand on the pole at this
point and extended his
thumb upward and placed Fig. 50. Painting the center-pole.

■i

'<'f^g

ii6 Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. IX.

his left hand still further up on the pole, the thumb of the left hand
being outstretched and in contact with the thumb of his right hand.
This was to represent the width of the band to be painted by the
Lodge-maker, who then stepped forward and rubbed his hands in
the black paint, rubbed them together and made four passes toward
the pole. Then he first lightly rubbed the pole at this point and then
painted a band entirely around the pole. They turned toward the
west and went to the southwest pole, which was again measured by
Bull-Tongue, as was the first pole. The location of the place to be
painted having been found, it was also painted black by the Lodge-
maker. They passed around the lodge to the pole on the northwest
corner, which was again measured and painted as before, led
being used instead of black. They went to the northeast pole,
which was measured as those preceding, and painted. Thus the
lodge bore the same symbolism, theoretically, as the so-called
scalp or piece of jerked meat which was to be placed in the
center-pole, and was symbolic of the earth divided into day and
night.

Bull-Tongue and the Lodge-maker continued around the lodge
in sunwise circuit until they came to the east entrance; here they
entered and Bull-Tongue threw himself by the side of the center-
pole and measured as before. The band beneath his outstretched
hands was painted red by the Lodge-maker, who moved his hands
four times toward the pole before he painted it. Then Bull-Tongue
measured with his two hands a space equal in width just above this
red band, and, taking the ball of black paint, the Lodge-maker
besmeared his hands with it and painted a black band. Thus was
added to the sun and full moon symbolism of the center fork the
symbols of day and night, or, according to another informant, of
the earth and the heavens. The center-pole now is called variously
the enemy, the backbone, and the cleansing pole.

The Fork of the Center-Pole.

Bundles of dogwood brush were carried down to the fork of the
center-pole. Certain Sun Dance priests left their position in the
line and went to that point. Bull-Tongue took hold of the fork
and turned it so that the prongs of the fork projected upward and
downward and at right angles to the earth. Bull-Tongue took the
Lodge-maker's hands in his, made four movements toward the first
bundle of dogwood brush, and the latter took it up, and turning
it so that the butts projected north, made four movements with
it and placed it in the fork. Another bundle was picked up with

/l(o

FIELD COLUMBIAN MUSEUM.

ANTHROPOLOGY, PL. XXXVII.

-r

PL. XXXVII. The Earth-peg and the Thunder-Bird'S Nest.

l8-«3aKUMT 3MT «MA oa«i-«T.

May, 1905.

The Cheyenne — Dorsey.

117

the same movements and placed in the fork, the butts being directed
toward the south. (See Fig. 51.) Several additional bundles were
taken up and placed in the fork, the butt of the third bundle being
directed toward the north, that of the fourth toward the south, and
so on, the same movements being performed each time. A larger
bundle of cottonwood was taken up in similar manner and placed
in the fork on top of the dogwood brush, the base being directed
toward the north. A second bundle of cottonwood was taken up in

Fig. 51. Placing the brush in the fork uf the center-pole.

like manner and placed so that the butts were directed toward the
south. Over these were placed other bundles of dogwood.

The Lodge-maker took up a rope and the rawhide lariat which
had been made in the Lone-tipi and tied the bundles firmly into
the fork, using first the rope, and covering the wrappings with the
rawhide lariat.* This lariat was fastened in a peculiar manner and
its various wrappings collectively were said to form the image or
symbol of the morning star. Bull-Tongue and the Lodge-maker,
took up the digging stick, or earth-peg, made four passes with it,
and thrust it through the bundle of foliage (see PI. XXXVII.) ; then
one of the priests took the damaged arrow and thrust it into the
bundle from the under side, where it remained with the piece of dried
meat, which represented a buffalo. To the fork near this point
the small rawhide human image was next attached. f Formerly a
live captive, it is said, was suspended here as a sacrifice. Many

*The whole bundle of vegetation represented the nest of the Thunder-Bird who controls the
sun and the rain. Hence clouds and hailstones are painted on the dancer's body later in the cere-
mony. The Thunder-Bird is also considered the chief of all birds, and is thought to be the chief
medicine spirit of the west.

t In 1 90 1 a rawhide image of a buffalo was also suspended here

ii8 Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. IX.

Fig. 52. Making offerings to the fork of the center-pole.

from the crowd of spectators, especially women, came forward and
tied at various points of the center-pole small offerings of calico
representing prayers. (See Fig. 52.) The wife of the Lodge-maker,
under the guidance of the assistant Chief Priest, made four passes
(see Fig. 53), picked up the sacred pipe, and moved forward to a point
half-way down the length of the center-pole.

Raising the Center-Pole.

By this time all the priests were present in line, and the members
of the warriors' societies had gathered around the pole. The priests
with their wives were in two lines by the side of the pole. All re-

FiG. 53. Lodge-maker's wife picking up the pipe.

//?

FIELD COLUMBIAN MUSEUM.

ANTHROPOLOGY, PL. XXXVIII.

//J-

PL. XXXVIII. Raising the Center-pole.

Pl. XXXIX. Raising the Center-pole.

May, 1905.

The Cheyenne — Dorsey.

119

ceived the spittle on their hands in the usual manner from one or
another of the priests who had the authority to perform this rite.
Then the lines were reformed,
and as the wife of the Lodge-
maker raised the sacred pipe
in front of her, they sang the
first traditional song. At the
end of the song she again
raised the pipe aloft and the
warriors took hold of the pole,
shouted, and dragged the pole
forward a little, so that its
base rested nearer the pole.
Then the second song was
sung, the participantsmaintain-
ing the same relative position.
Again the Lodge-maker's wife
raised the pipe aloft, the war-
riors shouted and moved the pole slightly forward. The third song
followed in the same manner, and with the same action. Then began
the fourth song, at the end of which all shouted vociferously and
raised the pole until it was in an upright position, and then lowered it
into the hole. (See Plates XXXVIIL and XXXIX.. and Fig. 54.)

Fig. 54. Raising the center-pole.

5SfLi_

^IV* >'^>

.j^^fi^'^LL

k^L < !i ' JAJBIi

■•' HHi

■1 . '

Fig. 55. Completing the Sun Dance lodge.

I20 Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. IX.

The songs are said to relate to the growing earth. Thus in the
song the pipe was directed to the great medicine-spirit overhead,
who took it to the four medicine-spirits, who drew to it the Hght

by the Hght of the day. The medicine-
spirit of the north, who smoked the pipe in
the night, received it first, and the medi-
cine-spirit of the east is supposed to finish it.

The Completion of the Lodge.

The warriors, with the greatest enthu-
siasm and rivalry, lifted the remaining
cross-bar into place, and then the sixteen
rafters or reach-poles were placed in posi-
tion, over which they spread canvas tipis.*
This work, owing to the great eagerness
of the men, consumed an almost incredibly
short space of time, during which the
Sun Dance priests, who had retired a short
way toward the south after the raising of
center fork, remained seated. It was then half-past five o'clock.

1 K,

the

,'ife carrying the skull.

The Priests Enter the Lodge.

When the lodge had been completed, the Chief Priest with his
two hands took the two hands of the Lodge-maker's wife and caused
her to make four passes toward the
skull and then pick it up. (See Fig.
56.) She started in a stooping posture,
and carried it slowly and deliberately
by way of the south to the east of the
entrance of the lodge, where she
stopped, motioned the skull four
times, and proceeded into the lodge by
way of the south, until she came to
a point half-way between the wall of
the lodge and the center-pole. There
she stopped, motioned the skull four
times toward the ground, and put it
down, groaning all the while as if in
travail. The Chief Priest, just after
she had taken up the skull, took up

Fig. 57. The priests entering the
Sun Dance lodge, I901.

*Formerly brave warriors vied among themselves for the privilege of using their valuable
buffalo skin tipis for this purpose which, of course, after the ceremony were useless.

I%t

FIELD COLUMBIAN MUSEUM.

ANTHROPOLOGY, PL. XL.

(l-CL

Pl. XL. The Priests Entering the Sun Dance Lodge.

'^^^^^^ifc'-

.3000J 30/Aa KUC JHT 0M:33Tn3 eieaifiS JHT ,jx ,jh

•»>'-^-*

"1?}^'

f a.

May, 1905.

The Cheyenne — Dorsey,

the bundle, while the other priest took up the objects which
they had brought with them from the lodge. They followed the wo-
man into the lodge (see PI. XL. and Fig. 57) and placed the objects
by the side of the skull. The long-handled fire-spoon was placed
about three feet south of the skull. Big-Baby and another priest re-
moved the sage head-dress from the Lodge-maker and his wife.
They also removed from the latter the belt, thus loosening the buffalo
robe which she had gathered over her shoulders. The belt was placed
by the side of the skull on the east side, and the sage wreaths were
placed at the foot of the center-pole.

EVENING RITES IN THE SUN DANCE LODGES.

Rehearsal and Informal Smoking.

In the mean time a big crowd of women and children had gathered,
and one of the warrior societies had assembled in the southeast of
the lodge around a large drum. (See Fig. 58.) This place, it may
be mentioned, was hereafter occupied by the musicians, including
the drummers and singers. The priests had gathered in a circle
south and west of the skull, where they engaged in informal smoking.
During this time the Lodge-maker sat in front of Big-Baby, who
took a bunch of sage and rubbed it upon those portions of the Lodge-
maker's body which had been painted black. Black-Man, the priest
who had painted the wife of the Lodge-maker, performed the same
office for her. The Lodge-maker took the bunches of sage which
had been used in this operation and placed them upon the wreaths

Fig. 58. Musicians within the Sun Dance lodge.

122 Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. IX.

of sage which they had worn on their bodies, and deposited all at
the foot of the center-pole. Roman-Nose lighted a pipe and pointed
the stem to the southeast, southwest, northwest, northeast, to the
four rafter poles which had been painted, toward the center-pole,
the skull and the ground, and handed the pipe to the Lodge-maker,
who smoked and passed it along the line of priests. The wife of
the Lodge-maker at this time wore only her calico dress, which she
had kept on and arranged in the form of loose trunks beneath her
buffalo robe in the Lone-tipi at noon. During this time the chiefs
were at the drum rehearsing. Some of their number arose and sang
a song, at the end of which they sat down. The priests continued
smoking until they had consumed four pipes.

The Dedication of the Lodge.

The chiefs and singers about the drum all arose, holding the drum
in their midst and singing. The crowd within and without the
lodge was very dense; all were standing. The Lodge-maker took a
filled pipe to the assistant Chief Priest, who laid the pipe down,
touched his finger to the ground, to his tongue, took a bite of root,
spat, and picked up the pipe, motioned the stem to the four rafter
poles in the usual order, to the center-pole, to the skull, and to the
ground. He lighted the pipe and again offered the stem to the four
lodge poles, to the center-pole, to the skull, and to the ground. He
offered the stem to the Lodge-maker, kneeling in front of him, who
took four whiffs, blowing the fourth whiff into his two hands, which
he rubbed together and over his body. The pipe was then passed
along the line of priests. The musicians began the third song. The
crowd, for all in camp were glad to express their joy that so much
had been done and that the lodge was complete, was denser than
ever, all being attired in their gayest costumes. The number of
buckskin garments that were worn was surprisingly great, and the
warriors all wore appropriate head-dresses, many of them wearing
the long eagle feather war bonnets, while others wore shields. The
warrior societies, in a semblance of order, filed around the center-pole,
many of them being on horseback. At the beginning of the fourth
song the warriors took their proper places by societies and formed
in lines, extending half-way around the north side of the lodge, and
danced up and down, shouting and yelling. The women pressed
about the drummers and crowded all sides of the lodge, and with
their shrill cries encouraged them. As the fifth song began others
crowded into the lodge, and the warriors and others again circled
around the center-pole, this time three rows deep, all carrying guns

May, 1905.

The Cheyenne — Dorsey.

123

or clubs. Then followed a period of considerable confusion, with
much rejoicing and gayety on the part of the great crowd, while
the four head chiefs went through the ancient performance of select-
ing certain men for certain positions, the basis of the selection being
supposed to depend upon the part which they had taken in the
various sham battles which had taken place while they were count-
ing coup on the site of the center-pole or otherwise in erecting the
lodge. As each man was chosen he was brought forward near the
center-pole, and his relatives gave away presents to express their
joy at the honor shown to their family. (See Fig. 59.) One of

Fig. 5g. The chiefs selecting leaders.

the four head chiefs, who had led war parties and who had assisted
in selecting the warriors, addressed the chosen men as follows: "We
have picked you because we know you are brave. We have brought
you here. We have picked you so that the people may see you,
so that the people may know you are brave. We have picked you
out for some particular purpose. In times of war or hardship we
want you to stand by your people and to protect them, especially
the women and children. In times of famine do not pass by your
people, but help them." As the warrior societies entered the lodge
they went around toward the south; as they departed, after this
dedication ceremony, they halted four times, the four pauses repre-
senting the four societies and paving the way for the dance.

124 Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. IX.

At the end of the performance the crowd inside the lodge was
very great. The drumming and singing was resumed and the crowd
moved backward toward the entrance, their faces being directed
toward the center-pole. The musicians continued to drum and sing.
The crowd advanced toward the center-pole, their faces always
directed toward the west, four times, the intervals between the
singing being occupied by shouting and yelling.

The dedication ceremony of the Sun Dance lodge was now con-
cluded, and there followed an intermission, during which nearly all
left for their evening meal, the priests and those immediately con-
cerned in the ceremony remaining.

Preparation.

During the intermission, which lasted from the conclusion of the
dedication until about nine o'clock in the evening, a large pile of wood
was placed just inside of the lodge near the entrance in the north-
east. A bed had been erected on the south side of the tipi next
to the wall, consisting of willow mattress with willow leanbacks and
blankets. (See Plate XLI.) A rawhide folded roughly in the form of
a parflesh was brought into the lodge by one of the priests and placed
at the foot of the center-pole on the south side. Slowly the priests
returned to the lodge and took up a position in a semi-circle on the
south side, half-way between the wall of the lodge and the center-
pole, which they faced. Members of the warrior societies also re-
turned in increasing numbers and a crowd of drummers and singers
gathered about a large drum in the southeast of the lodge.* One
of the old warriors arose and related a war story, in order that the
fire might be rebuilt. It was lighted and wood was thrown upon
it at the conclusion of the war tale, whereupon the drummers beat
upon the drum and shouted.

The Dancers Assemble.

Immediately after, the Crier was heard outside calling for the
members of the Dew-claw Rattle society, who, as already noted,
were to begin dancing and fasting on this night. Soon they began
to enter the lodge, singly or in small groups, each having been painted
and properly costumed in his own tipi. Each one bore the usual
Sun Dance whistle, made of the wing bone of an eagle, suspended
upon his breast from a buckskin thong passing around his neck.
Each also wore on his head a wreath of sage, and all were com-
pletely painted, even to the feet, with white earth.

♦Formerly it is said, each musician was provided with a small hand drum, such as the medi-
cine men use now.

31)W 8iJ»3»AJ*-a£)

|^^'

PL. XLI. The Bed of the Lodge-maker'S Wife,

ri^<t

5 . -^^^

^ COiTERPOLE y— ^

May, 1905. The Cheyenne — Dorsey. 125

As each priest entered the lodge he went to the Chief Priest,
who touched his finger to the ground, took a bite of root,
and spat upon the new-comer's hands five times, the latter rub-
bing his hands and pass-
• ing them over his body.

^_ _^ * He was thus prepared to

y^^ °'^ '^^^^^ • take part in the rites which

were to follow. The Lodge-
maker and his wife were
the last to receive the rite
K '"' p from the Chief Priest.

Fully an hour was consumed
in the assembling of the
• priests and the dancers.

The relative position at

^ this time of the priests

' ^"^-Sof ofi^t*^<^^-'' ' who had formed in a circle,

, ^ and the dancers, may be

seen in the diagram. (See
Fig. 60. Diagram of lodge. Fig. 60.)

Filling the Sacred Pipe.

The Lodge-maker followed the assistant Chief Priest to the
bundle, which was lying by the side of the skull. They opened the
bundle and took out a piece of sinew and the Lodge-maker took
up the bag of incense which was lying by the skull. The two re-
turned to the Chief Priest, who occupied a position to the north-
east of the center-pole and near the circle of priests. The Lodge-
maker put the bag of incense down and his hands were again treated
in the usual manner by the Chief Priest. The Lodge-maker again
went to the bundle and brought the ceremonial straight pipe, while
the assistant Chief Priest untied the bag of tobacco. The Lodge-
maker then spread out a corner of his robe upon the palm of his left
hand, and making four passes toward the tobacco sack, took up a
pinch of tobacco. Thereafter the pipe was filled in the same manner
as already described, the pipe being held upright by the Chief Priest,
and the sinew being added by the assistant Chief Priest. Then the
tampers were prepared; one was wrapped with the buffalo wool and
in the manner already described the tobacco was tamped. The
Lodge-maker then made four passes toward the pipe with both hands,
took it from the Chief Priest and placed it horizontally on the ground.
He then moved it back to its original position by the side of the

126 Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. IX.

buffalo skull, halting four times on the way, and placed the tampers
between the skull and the pipe.

Thurification.

The assistant Chief Priest and the Lodge-maker took their places
in the circle of the priests. The Lodge-maker soon left his place
and got the fire-spoon and without formality took a coal from the
fire, carried it slowly in a stooping manner and placed it just under-
neath the tip of the jaw of the skull. He sat down upon his heels
with his right knee drawn up in front of him. He made four passes
toward the bag of incense lying by the side of the skull, and took
a pinch from it in his fingers.

First Songs.
The priests began a slow chant, the first of several groups of
traditional sacred songs which recount the origin of the ceremony,
and which are supposed to be of great potency in bringing about
a new life and freedom from disease and famine. During this song
the Lodge-maker held the incense straight out in front of his body
in his right hand, his elbow resting upon his right knee. He main-
tained this same position during the second song and also during
the third. As the fourth song commenced he began to lower his
hand and arm slowly and gradually toward the skull, until at the
end of the song his hand rested just over the coal. He opened his
fingers and placed the incense upon the coal, thus sacrificing to the
four medicine-spirits and the sun. He resumed his place in the circle.

Second Songs.

Again the Lodge-maker received the spittle in his hands from
the Chief Priest, arose and went to the skull and resumed his posi-
tion as before by the side of the skull. He then made four passes
toward the bag of incense and took from it another pinch. They
began another song, during which time he gradually lowered his
hand toward the coal, his elbow this time not resting upon his knee,
and placed the incense upon the coal. He resumed his position in
the circle of the priests, who had not yet finished the song. While
they were singing the dancers left the lodge for a moment. By the
end of the second song of this second set the dancers had returned.

Then followed the third song, without movement on the part of
any one. As the fourth song began the Lodge-maker arose and
handed the rattles which had been lying near the buffalo skull to the
priests. During this time the dancers were trying their whistles
to see if they were in proper condition.

May, 1905. The Cheyenne — Dorsey. 127

The Rawhide Parflesh.

At the end of the fourth song of the second set, the Lodge-
maker and Black-Man went by way of the south to the rawhide.
The priest took the Lodge-maker's hands, drew them toward the
rawhide four times, and the Lodge-maker took the rawhide and held
it out in front and to one side, its lower edge resting on the ground.

Third Songs.

The priests sang the first song of the third group, during which
Black-Man and the Lodge-maker slowly advanced the rawhide by
the corner as before. At the end of the song they stopped, but con-
tinued to hold the rawhide. During the singing of the second song
they advanced slowly. The third song was begun and they con-
tinued, still keeping the rawhide on edge and near the ground. At
the beginning of the fourth song they were very close to the circle
of priests, and as the end of the song approached the Lodge-maker
moved the rawhide back and forth toward them four times, and as
they reached the end of the song he threw it in among them, and they
beat upon it with their long-handled drum stick rattles rapidly and
without unison.*

The Lodge-maker without formality filled two ordinary pipes,
which he started about the circle of priests, and they engaged in
smoking.

Hand and Arm Drill.

During this time the dancers, who had remained in two semi-
circles on the southeast and northeast sides of the lodge, arose and
adjusted their kilts. The priests continued to smoke and the dancers,
having made sure that they were in readiness, sat down.

Fourth Songs.
The priests again beat with their long-handled rattles upon the
rawhide and began the first of the fourth set of songs. During this
time Black-Man secured the wreath of sage from the place it had
been occupying at the foot of the center-pole, and arranged it on the
Lodge-maker's head, first circling it over and moving it toward his
head four times. The Lodge-maker handed him his whistle and
Black-Man also circled it over his head once and motioned it toward
his head four times and placed the carrying thong about the Lodge-
maker's neck. At the end of the first song one of the priests arose

*This rite represents the raising and calling of the buffalo. The noise made by the priests as
they beat on the rawhide with their rattles represents the sound made by the hoofs of the buffalo
as they left the cave, according to the myth. All songs are believed to be efficacious in drawing
the buffalo to the lodge.

128 Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. IX.

and made a short prayer. Again the priests began beating upon
the rawhide with the long rattles and started the second song, during
which, as during the first song, they continued beating the raw-
hide, but not keeping time with the song. At the end of this song
another priest got up and made a spirited prayer, asking that the
priests might be guided aright by the medicine-spirits. The third
song was begun, at the end of which was another prayer, and the
fourth song followed, with the same irregular accompaniment of the
rattles. At the end of each of these four songs, as well as at the
end of each of the prayers, some one outside the lodge gave a cry
imitating that of the wolf.

Again followed a brief intermission, during which the Lodge-
maker filled two ordinary pipes as before, one of which was handed
to the priests and smoked around the circle, he and Black-Man
smoking the other one. At the end of the informal smoking some
one called out and the dancers on both sides arose, those on the
north side of the lodge moving around toward the south until the
end of the north line joined the north end of the south line.

This was the first opportunity to judge of the number of men
who were to feast and dance during the ceremony, and it was found
that there were thirty-nine in the line. Of this number all were
members of the Dew-claw organization except Bull-Tongue, who
had made a vow to fast and undergo torture to restore his wife to
health, and two Arapaho, the reason for whose presence has already
been noted.

Fifth Songs.

The priests began the first of the fifth series of songs, while the
dancers began the first movement of the so-called "hand and arm
drill." Placing their whistles in their mouths they raised their
right arms toward the center-pole and slowly lowered them. This
they did six times, the palm of the hand being held downward each
time. Again they raised their hands toward the center-pole and
lowered them slowly for the seventh time, accompanying the move-
ment by whistling long and loud. The line turned on itself. The
south extremity started toward the north and in front of the line
of dancers, until there were two equal lines on the north side of
the lodge. The rattling began, followed by the second song, and
the dancers slowly raised and lowered their left hands toward the
center-pole, keeping the palm side down. This movement was per-
formed eight times. Black-Man now stood at their head as leader
and dancer. Led by Black-Man the inner line turned back toward
the south again, where the dancers formed in two lines, and during

May, 1905. The Cheyenne — Dorsey. 129

the singing of the third song, accompanied as before by the irregular
rattUng, they performed the right arm movement as during the first
song. Then they went back to the north side, where the same
movements were performed eight times with the left arm. During
the fourth song the criers outside were calling for the relatives of
the dancers.

Sixth Songs.
Led by Black-Man, they went back to the south side of the lodge
and faced the center-pole, raising the right arm four times. Main-
taining the same position and in double line, they revolved and
faced toward the southwest and passed toward the northwest corner
of the lodge and again faced the center-pole. During this first song
they raised their left arms four times. Again they turned in their
tracks, and led by Black-Man, went to the southwest side of the
lodge, where they faced the center-pole, and during the singing of
the second song raised their left hand eight times. The line passed
back to the north side of the lodge and with their backs toward
the center-pole they raised their left arms seven times. They wheeled
and faced the center-pole and the line moved, stepping sidewise
and toward the east. Black-Man and the Lodge-maker left their
places and went to the center of the line. They all faced the center-
pole. In this position the third song was begun, and they moved
both arms toward the center-pole nine times. Maintaining that
position, they wheeled and faced east; the fourth song was sung
and they moved both arms seven times.

Seventh and Eighth Songs.
Still maintaining the same position, they turned toward the
center-pole; the first song was sung and they raised their hands
toward the center-pole seven times. Occupying the same place,
they turned their backs to the center-pole and the line opened out
in length, and with the second song they blew their whistles at short
intervals, both arms swinging back and forth, first to the right and
then to the left, each man's hand joining that of his neighbor. This
movement continued throughout the third, a very long song, the
swinging motion being slight. The fourth song was begun and
this same motion continued, as it did during the first three succes-
sive songs of the eighth group. At the end of the fourth song the
priests beat more rapidly than before upon the rawhide, and the
dancers blew vociferously and long upon their whistles and then
resumed their places either on the north or south side of the lodge,
according to their former positions, and sat down.

130 Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. IX.

In explanation of these movements, the following brief account
was obtained: In the arm movements, as they raised both hands
and face to the center-pole, they gave thanks to the four medicine-
spirits and to the great medicine-spirit. The right hand was for
the southeast, the left for the northeast, etc. When they faced
west they prayed to the great medicine-spirit to unite strength in
them that they might travel through this world as the man sun
traveled from east to west over the world.

THE CHIEF PRIEST AND THE LODGE-MAKER'S WIFE.

It was midnight, and though the moon was nearly overhead, it
was obscured by clouds, and as a consequence the notes which follow
must be regarded as possibly incomplete. First is presented an
account of what transpired, obtained from Roman-Nose Warrior at
the close of the ceremony.

Before leaving the lodge the Chief Priest and the Lodge-maker's
wife stooped over a live coal upon which had been placed incense,
and drew a buffalo robe closely about them that they might confine
the incense within the robe, and thus cause it to go over their bodies.
Then they left the lodge, the woman first, followed by the Chief
Priest, then the other priests, in the same order as when they went
after the sods for the altar on the following day. They went directly
east and halted a short distance from the medicine lodge, where one
of the priests prayed to the great medicine-spirit, and the four medi-
cine-spirits, the sun and the heavenly bodies, for the whole world,
for its growth, for animals, for birds, for people, for grass, for stones,
for earth of all kinds, and that the sun should shine and the clouds
should give rain. Then all returned to the lodge except the Chief
Priest and the Lodge-Maker's wife. They then came together under
one robe, bathing their bodies in incense of sweet-grass dropped upon
a coal. Thus they prayed that their bodies might grow straight and
strong. Then they sang the sacred pipe song and raised the pipe, as
if they were raising the world, and lifting upon it four times, they
simulated the movement made in raising the center-pole. This song
should have been sung on their return, but was overlooked by the
priests. Each priest's wife had shown the Lodge-maker's wife what
to do, and after this the Chief Priest and his wife and the Lodge-
maker and his wife united as one familv.

The Crier, who was the Chief Priest, now said: " I announce to the
whole world that when I made this (that is, the Sun Dance) I gave
two guns to (the man who was Chief Priest at that time) , and he showed
me and my woman and gave me the right to perform this ceremony."

May, 1905. The Cheyenne — Dorsey. 131

As he made this cry he was supposed to call upon all the people to
listen, and to ask the world to listen. As they sat together under
one robe over the incense they simulated having connection. Thus
people should unite. They had connection only at this time.* Should
other priests have connection with their wives during the ceremony
they would not live long.

To return to what was observed on this night. The Chief Priest
secured a piece of braided sweet-grass and his buffalo tail or sweat
lodge brush, and the Lodge-maker took from the fire-place a live coal.
The Chief Priest then left the lodge, followed by the Lodge-maker,
his wife, and all the other priests. Soon all returned except the Chief
Priest and the woman, and resumed their places in a circle.

There followed a brief pause, at the end of which the Lodge-maker
arose from his place in the circle of priests, took up the rawhide and
carried it slowly, and as before, to the drummers sitting in the south-
east of the lodge, toward whom he motioned it four times and threw
it in amongst them, whereupon they beat upon it rapidly with the
rattle drumsticks which had been passed to them without formality.
At the end of the song the Crier was heard outside. At the end of
the speech of the Crier the drummers all beat upon the drum.

THE BEGINNING OF THE DANCE.

The drummers began shouting and soon began the first of the
dancing songs. The dancers arose, and formed two great semi-circles
on the north and south sides of the lodge, the Lodge-maker being
directly in front of the buffalo skull, and Sage-Woman sitting in the
center on the bed behind him.

During the second song the dancers began the regular dancing.
The movement consisted of a slight swaying forward of the body,
raising the two heels from the ground simultaneously, and blowing
on the eagle bone whistle in unison with the singing. At this time
the Chief Priest and the wife of the Lodge-maker returned and passed
to the south of the center-pole. The Lodge-maker's wife sat down
on the bed just south of Sage-Woman, and the Chief Priest took his
place in the circle of priests. The drummers began beating upon
the drum and soon began the third song, and the dancers who had
remained standing continued the regular movement which they were
to keep up with bjut slight intermissions until the close of the cere-
mony.

There followed a pause, during which time the dancers remained

•There is reason to believe that this rite was in whole or in part performed on the night the
priests entered the Lone-tipi.

132 Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. IX.

standing. Another song was begun and the dancers continued
whistHng and dancing, but during all this time, however, without
moving their arms. The Lodge-maker continued to stand about
four feet south of the skull. At the end of the song there was much
rejoicing and shouting on the part of priests, drummers, and specta-
tors, who at that time consisted almost exclusively of the near kin of
those actively engaged in the ceremony, for it was about two o'clock
in the morning. The shouting marked the end of the preparation
for the ceremony and the real beginning of the dancing, for hence-
forth the dancers occupied their time almost continuously, until they
were painted, by dancing; they fasted from this night until after the
last rite at the close of the ceremony.

THE FIFTH DAY.

This may not inappropriately be termed "altar day," as the
erection of the altar is the chief event of the day. It may also be
termed the first day of the dance proper. It is the first fasting day,
for after the feast of the previous night the dancers refrain from
eating until the close of the ceremony. As will be seen, there are
five distinct features connected with the erection of the altar, of
which the buffalo skull serves as the center. The events of the
building of the altar are the cutting of the sod and the formation of
the half circle, the insertion of the brush and the willow and plum
bushes on this half -circle, the digging and painting of the ditch, the
erection of the rain-bow sticks and the erection of the sticks represent-
ing the people. During the erection of the altar the dancers take
their pipes to their grandfathers, who paint them. Before each
dance, that is, before each ceremony in which a new paint is worn,
the rawhide is incensed and carried around the altar. Formerly, on
this day the children placed at the foot of the altar pole clay images
of animals, chiefly of the buffalo, which they had made in pairs at
the river. The paint of this day is known as the "Yellow-Paint."

THE ERECTION OF THE ALTAR.

After the events noted in the account of the preceding night the
dancers spent the few remaining hours wrapped in their blankets,
sleeping on the ground. There was no special dance at sunrise,
though in 1901 the Lodge-maker and his wife sat outside the lodge
and watched the sun rise. By seven o'clock all were awake and the
principal priests were present, sitting about the buffalo skull in no
special order.

I^i-

FIELD COLUMBIAN MUSEUM.

ANTHROPOLOGY, PL. XLII.

I3"»'

PL. XLII. Priests Making the Excavation.

May, 1905. The Cheyenne — Dorsey. 133

The Excavation.

The Chief Priest spat in the hands of Cedar-Tree, Big-Baby, and
the assistant Chief Priest, and with similar rites spat upon an axe
five times. In the mean time the Lodge-maker brought in the bundle
of dog-wood sticks which had been lying outside of the lodge. Big-
Baby and the assistant Chief Priest without formality cleared the
ground for a considerable distance around and especially in front of
the buffalo skull, removing all trace of vegetation. They next pre-
pared to mark the site of the excavation to be made in front of the
skull. The assistant Chief Priest took a slender rod and placed one
end of it upon the upper side of his lower arm bent at right angles to
his upper arm. He measured with the stick in this position to the
base of his middle finger. Having cut the stick this length, he roughly
indicated on the ground in front of the skull the length of the excava-
tion. Big-Baby with his two hands took the hands of Black-Man
and caused him to touch an axe and make a circular motion over the
space thus indicated ; then he caused him to direct the axe downward
five times and touch the ground with the axe in four different places,
beginning with the southeast, thus indicating a rectangular figure.
Continuing to hold his hands he again caused him to make a circular
motion and to direct the axe four times and touch the ground in the
center, thus indicating the place to be cut. The space was again
measured with the stick, preparatory to its excavation, the width
now being determined by the assistant Chief Priest, who placed the
tips of his two thumbs together with his palms downward and out-
ward.*

By this time the heat of the sun was excessive, and women brought
poles and a piece of tipi cloth with which they formed a shelter over
the priests working at the altar. Before actually beginning the
work of excavating, although its size had been indicated, Big-Baby
passed around behind the buffalo skull and sighted over the median
line of the skull, in order to make sure that the space was in a direct
line between the center of the skull, and the center-pole. Thereupon,
Black-Man, without further formality, began loosening the earth in
the rectangular area. Big-Baby, with his right hand, took the right
hand of Black-Man, made a circular motion with it over the loosened
earth, directed his hand toward it four times, and the latter took up
a handful of earth and placed it upon an old blanket which had been
spread out by the side of the excavation as a receptacle. The cir-

*It will be remembered that the same measure was used in indicating the width of the bands
on the four poles and the center-pole of the lodge which were to receive bands of paint.

134 Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol, IX.

cular motion and the four passes were repeated three additional times,
Black-Man each time taking up an additional handful of earth.
Big-Baby released Black-Man's hand and the latter, using his right
hand only, gathered up the remaining loose earth and placed it upon
the blanket. When the space had thus been cleaned Big-Baby and
Black-Man seized the blanket by the four corners, lifted on it four
times, carried it to the center-pole and waved the blanket toward it
four times, and emptied the earth at the foot of the center-pole on
the west side. (See PI. XLIV.)

Preparation of the Altar Sticks.

During this time other priests, especially Cedar-Tree and the assist-
ant Chief Priest, the number of priests working being gradually in-
creased, were decorticating and fashioning the dogwood sticks into
requisite shapes, to be used either in the construction of the rainbow
or to be placed upright along the sides of the excavation. (See Fig.
6 1.) Before beginning work on these sticks, however, all had their
hands prepared by the Chief Priest in the customary manner. The
priests worked on these sticks until they were all prepared.

1 IG. Oi. Priests decorticating altar sticks.

-il^

/>y

PL. XLIII. Priests Going After the Altar Sod.

Pl. XLIV. The Priest Preparing the Hands of Sage-Woman.

May, 1905. The Cheyenne — Dorsey. 135

Securing the Sods.

It was now time for the priests to go after certain pieces of sod
to be used in the construction of the altar. Sage-Woman, the wife
of the Chief Priest, who had been the constant companion of the
Lodge-maker's wife since they had taken up their position in the
Sun Dance lodge, erected a small curtain in front of the bed and cos-
tumed the Lodge-maker's wife as on the preceding day. When she
emerged from behind the curtain it was seen that her face, hands, and
body were painted red, and that she wore her buffalo robe and belt.

Fig. 62. Priests leaving the lodge for the sods.

Sage-Woman selected from the poles which had been brought that
morning for the shelter over the priests a short tipi pole and cut it
about the length of the so-called earth-peg, inserted in the willow
bundle in the fork of the center-pole on the preceding day. The
point of this she sharpened after the manner of a digging stick. This
she gave to the Lodge-maker's wife, who started out of the Sun Dance
lodge toward the east, followed first by Sage- Woman carrying an
axe and then by all the Sun Dance priests. (See PI. XLIIL and Fig. 62.)
They went to the east of the lodge and halted at a distance of about
a hundred feet, where the priests formed in a simi-circle facing the
west, the two women sitting in the center of the half-circle. Big-
Baby with an axe cleared the grass and weeds from a rectangular
piece of earth about two feet square. The digging stick was handed
to the Chief Priest, who touched his finger to the ground, to his tongue,
took a bite of root, spat five times toward the stick, and handed it to
the Lodge-maker's wife. She and Sage-Woman now had their hands
prepared by the Chief Priest. (See PI. XLIV.) Sage-Woman took
the two hands of the Lodge-maker's wife and caused them to make

136 Field Columbiax Museum — Anthropology, Vol. IX.

l-'lG. 63.

four passes toward the digging-stick and to pick it up. They moved
forward to the cleared spot, pointed with the stick toward the cleared
spot four times, once to each of its four corners. (See Fig. 63.) One

of the priests took a small twig
AOf^T/~\ which he had brought with

him from the Sun Dance lodge
and measured upon the cleared
space. Then the assistant Chief
Priest, Big-Baby, and Roman-
Nose held their hands for the
Chief Priest to prepare, and
they measured on the side a
rectangular figure, each side
being equivalent to the ex-
tended span of the second
finger to the thumb. The out-
lines of this area were now
lined or traced by means of
the digging-stick. Cedar-Tree
desired to assist in the meas-
uring and had his hands
prepared by the Chief Priest.* The succession of movements which
now followed in loosening the sod may best be understood by refer-

*At this point two boys starting across the camp-circle were about to pass between ths priests
and the Sun Dance lodge. One of the priests at once called out, directing them to go either west
of the Sun Dance lodge, or east of the priests, for to pass between the priests cutting the sod and the
lodge was to court misfortune.

Fig. 64. Diagram of sods.

May, 1905.

The Cheyenne — Dorsey.

137

ence to the diagram (see Fig. 64), which shows the order in which the
pieces were cut and the order in which they were lifted from their
places. The priests, still measuring with their fingers, divided the

Fig. 65. Pricsi .luilininy- Sdds.

space, bounded by the four straight lines first indicated, as on the
accompanying diagram ; the one on the north and marked (i) being
outlined first. Then without formality one of the priests took the axe
(see Fig. 65) and inserted the blade along all of the lines, passing
the axe first around the rectangular piece on the north, next
the piece on the east, the piece on the south, and the piece
on the west. Before beginning to mark the inner lines, that is
the boundaries of the fifth piece, he moved his axe back, around
by way of the east and south, and reaching over the sod marked
the west line from north to south. He marked the east line
from north to south; the
north line from east to west.
He then took up a spade,
brought to the scene by one
of the priests, and gently
loosened all five pieces of
sod, inserting the point of
the spade along all edges.
The two women now went
to the Chief Priest who again
prepared their hands. Two
of the priests did likewise. The latter moved up to ■'"he sods and
placing their hands along the line which separated the first piece
from the fourth and fifth pieces they lifted it up and placed it toward

Fig. 66. The fifth piece of sod.

138 Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. IX.

1" iG. 67. Sage-woman and the Lodge-maker's wife.

the north, upside down. They placed their hands in the groove,
separated the second piece from the fifth, and threw it out in the same
manner, upside down, and so on until the four pieces forming the
outer area were thrown out. (See Fig. 66.) When these four pieces

were all thrown out Sage-
Woman took the hands of
the Lodge-maker's wife
and caused her to make
four passes toward the first
piece and assisted her to
get it on the palms of her
hands. (See Fig. 67.) She
carried it, in stooping pos-
ture, into the lodge, walk-
ing slowly. There she was
directed to move it toward
the ground four times and
place it down south of the
skull. She returned to where
the priests had continued
to sit in a semi-circle, and
again with the assistance

Fig. 68. The Lodge-maker's wife placing the sods.

May, 1905.

The Cheyenne — Dorsey.

139

of Sage-Woman, took up the second piece and carried it to the lodge.
She returned for the third, fourth, and fifth pieces. The second piece
was placed just west of the first piece, or at the southeast corner of
the skull, the third
and fourth pieces
on the northwest
and northeast cor-
ners respectively,
and the fifth piece
(see Fig. 68) at the
back of the skull;
the positions of the
five pieces may be
understood by ref-
erence to the ac-
companying dia-
gram. (See Fig.
69.)

The sods are
now symbolic of

Fig. 69. Diagram of position of sods and skul

the four medicine-spirits and the sun. As she brought in the fifth
piece she was followed by Sage-Woman and all the priests, though
it was observed that no particular order was followed in the return
to the lodge. Within the lodge the priests took up their accustomed
places, except one who took up his position immediately behind the
central piece of sod.

Fig. 70. Priests making the semi-circle of earth.

140 Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. IX.

The Semi-circle and the Altar Foliage.

Without formality the priests began working down the pieces of
sod (see Fig. 70), so that they caused the inner ends to meet and
thus form a complete semi-cricle around the skull. Three- Fingers
at this point brought in a large bundle of small bushes bearing red
berries, the ends of all of which had already been trimmed.* (See
Fig. 71.) From this bundle the assistant Chief Priest selected five. He

took the Lodge-
maker's right hand
and together they
made a circular
motion and four
passes toward the
bushes. The
Lodge-maker was
directed to pick up
one of the bushes,
make four passes
toward the sod
semi-circle, and in-
sert it at the north-
east end, that is
into what was the first piece of sod. With similar movements the four
other bushes were picked up and inserted in the semi-circle, the order
of their insertion being the same as that followed in placing the five
pieces of sod about the skull. Thus the second piece was inserted
in the second piece of sod, and so on. The assistant Chief Priest and
the Lodge-maker retired, and the remaining bushes were inserted
without formality by the other priests in the semi-circle, so that when
finished it bore a closely set row of bushes. (See PI. XLV.)

Black-Man brought into the lodge a young cottonwood sapling,
two young plum trees, and finally a second cottonwood. Without
formality he sharpened the bases of these, so as to make easier their
insertion into the ground at the proper time. The Lodge-maker's
wife donned her robe and belt, which she had laid aside when she had
resumed her place on the bed. She secured the digging stick used
to loosen the sods and with the usual assistance of Sage-Woman she
was directed to make the circular motion and the four passes, to take
up the digging stick (see Fig. 72) and with it to make a circular move-
ment and four passes and then to prepare the holes to receive the

♦These bushes are symbolic of all vegetation, especially of all fruits.

Fig. 71. Chief Priest directing the Lodge-maker.

^v*

»,

Pl. XLV. Priests Inserting the Altar Foliage.

FIELD COLUMBIAN MUSEUM.

ANTHROPOLOGY, PL. XLV.

May, 1905.

The Cheyenne — Dorsey

141

Fig. 72. Lodge-maker's wife picking up the digging stick.

four saplings which had just been brought in. She made the first
hole at the southeast, the next at the southwest, at the northwest,
and at the northeast of the skull, each hole being just outside the
semi-circle, and corresponding in position with the first four bushes.
She laid aside the digging stick and without further formality took
up an iron bar and proceeded to deepen and enlarge the holes. At

Fig. 73. Lodge-maker's wife with the altar foliage.

142 Field Columbian AIuseum — Anthropology, Vol. IX.

this point Iron-Shirt, a famous Cheyenne warrior who probably
holds the longest coup record in the tribe to-day, related the usual
war story attendant upon the building of the fire. Sage- Woman
took the two hands of the Lodge-maker's wife in hers and made the
usual four passes, and the latter took up one of the two plum-trees (see
Fig 73), and inserted it in the first of the two holes on the south side

of the altar.
With like move-
ments , and being
similarly direct-
ed, she oicked
up one of the
cottonwoods
and placed it in
the second of the
two holes on
the south. With
similar move-
ments the sec-
ond plum-tree
was placed in
the first hole on
the north side of
the altar and
then the second
Cottonwood in
the second hole,
(See Fig. 74.)

The symbol-
ism of the bushes
with red berries has been noted. The plum bushes are symbolic of
vegetation in general, especially of all herbs, etc., which are good for
medicinal use. The cottonwoods are symbolic of all large vegetation,
especially of timber useful for fire, etc. " In the Lone-tipi they made
things as if they were going to come. Now things are coming to pass."

Fig. 74. Lodge-maker's wife completing altar foliage.

The Dry Sand Painting.

One of the priests entered the lodge with a bag of sand which
Black-Man emptied by the side of the excavation, whereupon those
who were to take part in the dry sand painting to be made in the
excavation had their hands prepared by the Chief Priest. They
gathered around the excavation and one of them removed from it

May, 1905.

The Cheyenne — Dorsey.

143

the pieces of leaves, etc., which had fallen upon the floor. One of
the priests took the two hands of the Lodge-maker in his and caused
them to make four passes toward the sand. His hands still being
held by the priest, the Lodge-maker took up a double handful of sand,
circled it over the ditch, and directed it toward each of the four corners
and deposited a portion of it in the southeast, the southwest, the
northwest, and the northeast corners, and the remainder in the
center. The field was now completely covered to the depth of about
half an inch by the Lodge-maker, without further formality. The
remainder of the sand was gathered up and placed upon the earth
mound from the excavation at the foot of the center-pole on the west
side. The Lodge-maker returned to the excavation. One of the
priests took a small stick and directed it toward the ditch four times,
and with the point of the stick first directed toward the sand field,
along the border next the buffalo skull, divided the field by four short
lines into five equal divisions. The assistant Chief Priest, with the
same stick, completed the lines by continuing them across the field
to the opposite side.

The Lodge-maker was handed four bags of paints which he untied ;
the first contained red, the second black, the third yellow, and the
fourth white dry paint. His two hands were grasped by one of the
priests, and were directed toward the black paint four times; at the
fifth time the Lodge-maker took up a pinch and he was caused to
direct it toward the beginning of the first, or left, of the four parallel
lines; at the
point nearest
the skull the
paint was di-
rected four
times and
dropped. (See
Fig. 7 5.) With
similar move-
ments and in
the same man-
ner a pinch of
red paint was
placed at the
beginning of
the second

line; yellow at the third, and white at the fourth. The Chief
Priest, without formality, completed these four lines. Taking up

Fig. 75. Preparing the dry-sand picture.

144 Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. IX.

the second pinch of black paint he made a dotted line on each side
of the black line ; a dotted line in red on each side of the red line ; a
dotted line in yellow on each side of the yellow line; and a dotted
line of white on each side of the white line.

The dotted or broken lines of colored sand represented stars —
the white first, because the white stars come first in the morning.
The continuous lines represent roads ; the white is that of the Lodge-
maker and his wife ; the red is the road of the Cheyenne ; the black
is the trail of the buflfalo; the yellow is the path of the sun. The
entire sand picture is a symbol of the morning star.

Fig. 76. Preparing the rainbow sticks.

The Rainbow Sticks.

The four sticks or bows for the rainbow which had been prepared
(see Fig. 76) were brought to the altar by the assistant Chief Priest.
He moved his hand over the smallest of the four and motioned toward
it four times, took it up, and inserted the two ends of it in the ground
at the south extremity of the excavation and between it and the
anterior end of the buffalo skull. With similar movements he inserted
the second, third and fourth bows over the first one, the fourth or
largest being so placed that it was immediately over the third one,
which, in turn, was over the second, etc. (See Fig. 77.)

Red-Cloud took a piece of tallow, mixed it with black paint, and
painted the first or inner bow black. He then daubed downy feathers
with black paint and tallow and attached them to this bow. He
painted the second bow red and gave it a coat of red painted downy

May, 1905.

The Cheyenne — Dorsey.

145

Fig. ']". Inserting the rainbow sticks.

feathers; the third bow he painted yellow and gave it a coat of
yellow painted downy feathers; the fourth, or upper and outermost
bow, he painted white and gave it a coat of white painted downy
feathers. The bows now are symbolic of the rainbow or of rain;
if these sticks were not put up a flood would come.

The Men Sticks.

The assistant Chief Priest took up the
sticks," the lower two-thirds of which had
been decorticated, and inserted them in a row
at equal distances apart, near the southern
border of the excavation. (See Fig. 78.)
Galloping in the mean time erected seven
completely decorticated sticks on the north
side. The assistant Chief Priest then painted
the decorticated surface of the sticks on the
south side red and the upper surface black,
and attached red and black downy feathers
to them, while Galloping painted the seven
on the north side white and attached white
downy feathers. (See Fig. 79.) The white
sticks are symbolic of the same tribe as the
human effigy in the center-pole, i. e., the

nine* so-called "man

Fig. 78. Decorticating the
men sticks.

♦These sticks may varv from seven to nine. The red and black sticks are symbohc of a human
body with black hair, and represent the bands of Cheyenne

146 Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. IX.

enemy in general, which are conceived of as scalped. The Cheyenne
name their chief enemies in the following order: Ute, Pawnee, Crow,
Assinaboin, Shoshoni, and Ponca.

The assistant Chief Priest painted with red, and added a coat of
red downy feathers to the upper part of the plum-tree and the cotton-
wood- tree on the south side, and painted their bases black and applied
black downy feathers; Galloping painted the two trees on the north
side with white and coated them with white downy feathers. These
feathers are symbolic of all birds and of all food. Now they must
come forth with the growth of the earth.

The altar (See PI. XLVL), and consequently the lodge, was now
complete. It is often spoken of as the willow lodge because all wear
willow wreaths. Formerly all the warriors at this time hung their
shields and medicine bundles on the lodge and it was called the
Growth or New Birth lodge. While the altar as a whole represents
this earth, the fifth in the series, and symbolizes the supreme medicine
being, the lodge itself represents the heavens, or universe. No men-
struating woman may come within the lodge now, for the dancers are

Fig. 7q. Attaching downy feathers to the altar sticks.

/f<

PL. XLVI. The Altar. (Carpenter.)

(.y

FIELD COLUMBIAN MUSEUM.

ANTHROPOLOGY, PL. XLVI.

Al.,

^ -^"^tSi^l!- • X.

May, 1905.

The Cheyexxe — Dorsey.

147

considered sacred and they are strictly required to refrain from the
presence of unclean women.

Filling the Sacred Pipe.

The altar having been finished, the Lodge-maker filled the sacred
pipe. His immediate instructor this time was Three-Fingers, who,
in turn, was directed by the assistant Chief Priest. As the loading
of this pipe has already been described, the operation need not be
described again. After it was filled and greased it was replaced by
the side of the buffalo skull.

THE DANCERS ARE PAINTED. FIRST PAINT.

The Lodge-maker got from the fire a coal in the long-handled
fire-spoon, placed it in front of the assistant Chief Priest who was to
paint him thereafter during the ceremony, and sat down behind him,
near the altar.

During the time occupied in constructing the altar, the dancers
had been sitting in their proper places, each being provided early in
the morning with a pipe. In front of the dancers sat their grand-
fathers, that is the men who were to paint them. Each dancer now
gave his pipe to his grandfather, who lighted it and smoked. While
the grandfathers were smoking, the dancers went in turn to the
Chief Priest who spat upon their hands after the usual fashion, where-
upon they rubbed their hands together and passed them down over
their head, face and body. The first to receive the spittle were the
Lodge-maker and his wife, for, in theory, they are always painted
first. The grandfathers were now provided by relatives of the
dancers with small bowls
and boxes or bags of
paints which they were
to use in painting the
dancers. The assistant
Chief Priest began to
paint the entire body,
face, and head of the
Lodge-maker with red,
while Sage- Woman, the
Chief Priest's wife,
painted in a similar man-
ner the body of the
Lodge-maker's wife. In
applying this paint the

Fig. 80. A dancer receiving his paint. (Mooney.)

148 Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. IX.

same motions were performed and the same order of application was
maintained as when they were painted in the Lone-tipi on the pre-
ceding day by the same priests. As soon as the assistant Chief Priest
was well advanced in painting the Lodge-maker, the other grand-
fathers began painting the dancers under their charge (see PI. XLVII.
and Fig. 80), going through the same motions; that is, rubbing
their hands together and making in their palms the marks which
have already been described.

The character of the paints applied will be treated in another

Fig. 81. Priest repainting the Lodge-maker's robe. (Mooney.)

section, but it may be said here that theoretically the first paint should
be uniform for all the dancers. In the succeeding paints additions
to the prescribed paint may be applied, these additions being usually
the property of the painter, and known as "dream paints." An
exception to the rule that all should be painted in a uniform manner
was noted in the case of two dancers on the south side of the line who
bore paints different from the others. These were Arapaho, who had
asked permission to fast during this ceremony, as provision had not
been made for the Sun Dance in their own tribe.

Big-Baby painted the head-dress of the Lodge-maker red, directing
his hand toward it four times, and then upward, and giving it a coat

/y«

Pu. XLVII. The Grandfathers Painting the Dancers. (Carpenter.

>',f

/y^

FIELD COLUMBIAN MUSEUM.

ANTHROPOLOGY, PL. XLVIII.

',**

PL. XLVIII. A Costumed Dancer.

/yr

FIELD COLUMBIAN MUSEUM.

ANTHROPOLOGY, PL. XLIX.

/ft

Pl. XLIX. Women Bringing Food for the Feast.

/v^

FIELD COLUMBIAN MUSEUM.

ANTHROPOLOGY, PL. L.

Pl. L. Fig. A. Woman Bringing Bed into the Lodge.
Fig. B. The Lodge-maker Offering Food.

May, 1905.

The Cheyenne — Dorsey.

149

on the right side. He directed his hand toward the left side four times,
then upward, and painted the left side with an upward motion. These
movements were repeated again, both for the right and for the left
side.

The assistant Chief Priest spread on the ground the buffalo robe
of the Lodge-maker, and with red paint marked out a large solid
circular disc on the right shoulder of the robe, and a crescent or moon-
shaped symbol on the left shoulder. (See Fig. 81.) He made four
movements toward the robe with both hands ,and grasping it along
the median line near the two extremities, he jerked upon it four
times, lifting it slightly higher each time, and handed it to the Lodge-
maker.

After all the dancers had been painted and their kilts and loin-
cloths had been properly adjusted, each grandfather inserted five
bunches of sage upright into his belt, making first a circular motion
and four passes with each bunch. The first bunch was inserted, as
they termed it, on the southeast corner, that is on the left front side,
the other three pieces being placed on the right front, right back, and
the left back respectively, while the fifth was inserted at the middle
of the back. (See PI. XLVIIL)

The Feast and Sacrifice of Food.

The relatives of the dancers now brought into the lodge great
pans heaped with food, and also presents which were given to the
grandfathers. (See PI. XLIX.) These presents consisted largely of
blankets, but there was also brought in lean-backs (See PL L.,
Fig. a), pieces of costume, calico, and even ponies.

Fig. 82. The bed in the lodge, igoi.

50 Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. IX.

Attention has already been directed to the fact that a bed had
been prepared for the Lodge-maker's wife and the wife of the Chief
Priest on the west side of the lodge. This bed with all its furnishings,
that is the two willow lean-backs, willow mattress, pillows, blankets,
etc., were now removed by friends of the Lodge-maker's wife, for
these belonged to her. At each feast the bed (see Fig. 82), symbolic
of all the buffalo, was removed and replaced by another, for, accord-
ing to the custom of the ceremony, this bed must be renewed four
times (once for each of the four medicine-spirits), during the days
of the ceremony, each time by the family of the Chief Priest, and

each of the four
beds with its cur-
tains and belong-
ings immediately
becomes the prop-
erty of the Lodge-
maker's wife (see
Fig. 83); up to
this time the
Chief Priest and
his wife had been
the recipients of
all gifts.

The bed hav-
ing been renewed and the food for the feast being provided, the
Lodge-maker left his place, took a twig of sage and dipped it in one
of the basins of food and offered it to the four
painted poles (see PI. L., Fig. b.), to the
trees of the altar, to the skull, and touched

the center-pole with it four times and dropped t -^ \

it at the foot of the center-pole. Many of the
dancers made similar offerings of food. (See
Fig. 84.)

Piercing the Children's Ears.

At this time the lodge, both within and
without, was packed with priests, friends of
the dancers, and spectators. Many presents
were exchanged among friends, chiefly ponies.
While the priests were eating a war story
was told by an old warrior, the fire was re-
newed, the musicians beat upon the drum and

Fig. 83. Women removing the bed from the lodge. (Mooney.)

Fig.

\. A dancer sacri-
ficing food.

May, 1905.

The Cheyenne — Dorsey.

151

shouted, and certain medicine-men pierced the ears of some of the
children.* During all this time the best of good feeling and happiness
prevailed throughout the camp.

Final Preparation of the Dancers.

Each of the dancers arose (see Fig. 85), led by the Lodge-maker,
went to the fireplace and removed from it, by means of a stick, a live
coal which he placed in front
of his grandfather. Each
grandfather took a pinch of
sweet-grass, motioned it tow-
ard the four directions and
directly overhead, and dropped
it upon the coal. In the smoke
thereupon rising he bathed his
hands, and touched each sym-
bol upon the body of the dancer
whom he had painted, begin-
ning with the right wrist, and
continuing with the right ankle,
left wrist, left ankle, the sym-
bol on the breast, the symbol on
the face, and finally the moon
symbol on the back. The dancer turned his back to the painter
and the latter took a stem of sweet-grass upon which he spat saliva
from a medicine root and drew it across the dancer's mouth from
left to right. He next took up the left foot of the dancer, shook it
and struck it with the grass stem, and repeated the performance with
the dancer's right foot; he repeated the performance on his left
hand, and then on his right hand. He repeated the performance and
struck his buttocks, the hollow of his back, the middle of his back,
and each shoulder, generally shaking him each time by grasping the
sides of his body. The grandfather then with four passes thrust the
grass stem in the scalplock of the dancer. By this rite, called the
" black-medicine " or " to-make-alive-again," the dancers are
strengthened and refreshed. Often, later in the ceremony, the
grandfathers spat upon the dancers' heels to revive them, "for
the grandfathers have medicine in their mouths." Formerly the
dancers chewed the scrapings of cottonwood bark. The dancers

♦Much ear-piercing in recent times, however, is simply a formality; that is, the priest takes
the child's ear and gives it a gentle squeeeze; for the Cheyenne have been made to believe that the
piercing of the ears is contrary to the law of the Indian department.

Fig. 85. Costumed dancers, 1901.

152 Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. IX.

now received their head-dress and wrist, ankle, and waist bands of
willow, adjusted their loin-cloth and sat down in their accustomed
place. (See Fig. 86.)

Thurifying the Rawhide.

While the assistant Chief Priest refolded the rawhide (see PI. LI.,
Fig. a), which since its use on the night before had been lying near

the center-pole, the Lodge-maker
got a live coal in the fire-spoon (see
Fig. LI., Fig. b), placed it under the
tip of the skull, and took a pinch
of sweet-grass from the bag lying by
the side of the skull. He moved it
toward the coal slowly, halting four
times, and placed it upon the coal.
He took up the rawhide, grasping
it along the folded edge near one
end, and barely lifting it from the
ground, carried it from the east
toward the west (see PI. LL, Fig. c),
north of the skull and center-pole,
and continued toward the musicians.
There he motioned it toward them
four times and threw it among them,
whereupon they beat upon it with
the drumstick rattles.
The crowd within and without the lodge was now denser than
before. Women were singing, men were shouting, and an atmosphere
of religious fervor pervaded to a marked degree the entire camp.
The Lodge-maker having returned to his place remained standing
while the painters completed costuming and otherwise prepar-
ing their subjects. During this time the musicians about the
drum rehearsed dance songs. When all were ready the dancers
arose, as also the grandfathers, who stood in line behind the
dancers.

Fig. 86. Costumed dancer.

The First Dance.

At the beginning of the first Sun Dance song proper, the painters
raised first their right, then their left arm. Thus they continued for
a few moments, then the grandfathers sat down. The dancers now
placed their whistles in their mouths and began whistling and dancing.

h'l

PL. LI. Thurifying the Rawhide.
Fig. a. Priest Folding the Rawhide.
Fig. B. Lodge-maker with Fire-spoon.
Fig. C. Lodge-maker Carrying the Rawhide.

FIELD COLUMBIAN MUSEUM.

ANTHROPOLOGY, PL. LI.

Fig. B.

May, 1905.

The Cheyenne — Dorsey.

153

>^iK^

Hi 1

k.v*

#'1

m^0

^^>''fe^

^^^ i.

^■^^^^H

Fig. 87. Dancers whistling toward the center-pole, iqoi.

(See Fig. 87.) The
dancing consist-
ed chiefly of rais-
ing the heel from
the ground, thus
signifying their
desire that the
earth may be
blessed that all
may live. This
perform ance
was repeated
four times and
the last course
of the Sun Dance
proper may be
said to have
begun.'

The crowd now scattered out, some of the dancers sat down and
the painters removed the bunches of sage from their belts, each
handing them to the dancers, who placed them at the foot of the

center-pole. The
dancers passed by
the Chief Priest
and received the
spittle in their
hands "to give
them permanent
homes," whereup-
on they made a
motion as if rub-
bing their hands
together, down
their arms, legs,
over their breast
and head. Some
of the dancers in-
stead of receiving
the spittle from the priest, performed the rite for themselves, first
touching their finger to the ground, then to their tongue, and placing
their tongue to a root which was attached to the base of a buffalo
tail, held out to them by the Chief Priest. The grandfathers now re-

FiG. 88. Dancers washing off the paint. (Mooney.

154 Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. IX.

moved the eagle breath-
feather from the hair of
their subjects, and gave
each one a bunch of sage,
whereupon the dancers went,
without formahty, to buckets
of water, provided for this pur-
pose, and with the sage thor-
oughly drenched themselves
from head to foot. (See Figs.
88 and 89.) It was now about
four o'clock. No further rites
were performed in the lodge,
nor was there any further
movement until about seven
o'clock in the evening.

THE SECOND PAINT.

Fig.

Dancers washing off the paint.

(Mooney.)

The dancers were painted as
in the afternoon. First each
dancer handed his grandfather the pipe. After smoking, the grand-
fathers made for each of the dancers a willow wreath into which was
inserted a red stained eagle breath-feather, symbolic of the eagle, — as
the whistling represents his cry when he is in the air. After painting
it the willow sage wreath was placed on the dancer's head, and
in his belt were inserted the usual five bunches of sage.

After all had been painted, the order of procedure as well as the
manner being the same as in the forenoon, food was provided, the
dancers made the usual
sacrifice of food, and the
feast followed. Coals
were provided for the
priests and they painted
the dancers and prepared
their feet, hands, etc., as
in the afternoon. The
fire was replenished with
accompanying war story,
and the dancers made
ready for the evening
performance, which did
not __ differ from that Fig. 90. Arapaho dancer taking up willow pole.

May, 1905.

The Cheyenne — Dorsey.

155

of the afternoon. The Lodge-maker carried in his right hand,
in addition to a bunch of sage, an eagle wing feather. The
two Arapaho were painted differently from the others. They
now went to the center-pole to receive certain special objects
with which they were to dance and which had been placed
there by their grandfathers. These objects were slender wil-
low boughs about ten feet in length, to the upper end of which was
attached strips of calico (see Fig. 90), and a pipe, to the stem of
which was attached a
small bunch of sage.
(See Fig. 91.) They then
walked back and joined
the line of dancers. (See
Fig. 92.) Again the grand-
fathers stood by their
subjects and moved their
arms back and forth in
accompaniment to the
time of the singing on
the part of the musicians
about the drum. At this
time, however, each
grandfather stood in front
of his subject and

grasped his left arm, lifted it aloft, and shook it so that the long fringe
of the sage wreath about his arm swayed back and forth. Then
they took the right arm of the dancer in the same way, holding it
out straight, and shaking it. The grandfathers continued this for
a few moments and then sat down; the dancers continued whistling
and dancing. The movement of the dancers now varied somewhat
from the first dance, for they held up first one arm and then the other.
The dance now continued with slight intermissions late into the
riight. At about ten o'clock occurred the incident relating to the
torture to be described later in these pages. Before the dancers lay
down for the night, the so-called "sweet-water" was made for one
or two of them. This could be made only by the assistant Chief
Priest and Three-Fingers. It is believed that the drinking of water
thus made does not violate the vow to fast. At the conclusion of
the last dance of the night, all the wreaths and pieces of sage, etc.,
worn during the dance were deposited at the foot of the center-pole,
by the side of the cups of paint, etc., which had been placed there
immediately after the grandfathers had finished painting the dancers.

Fig. 91. Pipes carried by the Arapaho dancers.

156 Field CoLUMmAX Museum — Anthropology, Vol. IX.

•<^ ?

^jii

Fig. 92. Arapaho dancers in line.

THE SIXTH DAY.

As already explained, the number of days devoted to dancing and
fasting depends upon the length of time fasted by the one chosen as
Chief Priest. In the ceremonies of both 1901 and 1903 the time
devoted exclusively to dancing, and not including the altar day, was
one day ; This naturally involved either the omission of certain pre-
scribed paints or the use on the altar day and the day following of
more paints than are supposed to be appropriate to any one day.

Both the description of the paints which are supposed to be worn
on each individual day and what happened in the ceremonies witnessed
is set forth in the proper place. The rites, in the full ceremony of
eight days, of each day following the altar day are practically the
same. On each morning there is the sunrise dance, followed by
a period of rest. Then the dancers are painted and given their
wreaths; the feast is provided, the sacrifice is made, the priests eat,
the remnants of the food are removed, the rawhide is passed over the
incense and thrown among the musicians, and the dancers dance to the
accompaniment of the music at irregular intervals throughout the day.
Formerly there were certain times during these three days following the
altar day when certain forms of torture were practiced. This subject

/>'4

FIELD COLUVPIAN MUSEUM.

ANTHROPOLOGY, PL. Lll.

Fig. C.

li'^y

PL. Lll. Scenes Inside the Lodge.
Fig. a. Exchanging Presents.
Fig. B. Chief Announcing a Present.
Fig. C. Old Chief and Wife Making Love.

.TM383flq

May, 1905. The Cheyenne — Dorsey. 157

is treated in another place. The sacred pipe is smoked, refilled, and
painted with every change of paint.

It remains, therefore, to enumerate the successive events and to
describe those which took place early in the morning and late on the
afternoon of this day and which brought the performance to a close.

THE SUNRISE DANCE.

The dance was continued with but slight intervals throughout the
night until near morning, when the dancers lay down in their blankets
for a brief period of sleep. Shortly after five o'clock the musicians
were sitting around the drum, and the dancers formed in line in their
usual places. Then they proceeded in one long line toward the eastern
entrance and stood half-way between the doorway and the center-
pole, where they danced until the sun appeared above the horizon.

It was noticed that as the line formed toward the east only twelve
dancers had survived the ordeal, all the remainder having dropped out
except one old man over seventy years old, who remained sitting in his
usual place. It seems probable that the majority of those who left
the line during the night did so on account of inability to withstand the
heat, fatigue, and continued fast. The claim was put forth, however,
by the priests that many left because their families had not made
sufficient provision to furnish the food necessary for the feast
which precedes each paint.

THE THIRD PAINT.

There followed a period of rest until about seven o'clock in the
morning, when preparations were made for the painting of the dancers,
etc. In accordance with the program already stated, the Lodge-maker
and his wife, as on all previous occasions, were painted first.

During this day, as well as on the previous day, women occasion-
ally replaced the men around the drum and led in the singing. It is
claimed that all women who are supposed to have excelled in mat-
rimonial affairs are privileged to serve at the drum. At times all the
women about the drum were wives of the members of one or another
of the warrior societies; at other times they were all wives of the
chiefs. During the day the exchange of presents was kept up, almost
without intermission. Ponies, blankets, etc., were brought into the
lodge, the crier announcing the gift; at other times gray headed
married couples stood up together and openly made love and ex-
patiated on the beauties of married life. (See PI. LII.) A few women
also entered the lodge on this day, during the singing, each bearing a

158 Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. IX.

sheep scapula,* attached to a stick which she held upright; with these
they danced, keeping time to the beating of the drum. Such women are
supposed to have held out for a long time when they were courted.
In case of one woman it was said that a certain old man of the tribe
was still trying to win her, and to the great amusement of the whole
crowd she related the story and gave the name of her old lover.

To return to the discussion of events of the day, it may be noted
first, that after the period of rest above mentioned, certain dancers
quenched their thirst by drawing sage which had been dipped

in water across
their mouths.
When the time
came for the first
of the three paints
which were worn
on this day, the
painters proceeded
to wash their bod-
ies, as they had on
previous occasions,
the symbols being
touched with sage
by the painters, for
the blessing of the
paint, it is as-
sumed, had struck
into the body.
Then the grand-
father went to the
Chief Priest to re-
ceive the spittle.
The dancers pro-
vided coals for
the grandfathers
to incense their hands and then followed the painting. Dur-
ing its progress the food was brought. After the Lodge-maker
was painted, his robe was painted as it was in the Lone-tipi,
it being repainted with each change of paint. After it had
been painted the priest made the same movements that were
made in the Lone-tipi; first shaking it as the buffalo does on
getting up to shake the dust from his body — thus the priest

* Formerly a human scapula.

Fig. 93. Lodge-maker sacrificing to the altar.

May, 1905.

The Cheyenne — Dorsey.

159

shakes the disease from the people, as the dust rises so disease
rises and passes away.

In making the sacrifice, the Lodge-maker took a small piece of meat
and offered it to the small earth under the jaw of the buffalo skull
first making four passes; after depositing the meat he held his
palms over it four times. (See Fig. 93.) Then the assistant Chief
Priest dipped the tips of sprigs of sage in several bowls, rose, and
gave it to the Lodge-maker who went around by way of the
south to the altar and touched the tips of the arrows representing
the Cheyenne, and laid the bunch of sage down by their side, the
offering of sage expressing the desire that vegetation in general
may come. Other dancers took pieces of sage, dipped them in
a bowl of food, and offered them to the four painted reach-poles.
Thus, on the first day, it may be
said that the sacrifice is to the
altar; on the second day, to the
lodge itself.

After the sacrifice came the
feast, the removal of the food, the
exchange of presents, the renewal
of the bed (see Fig. 94), and the
placing of the sage in the belts of
the dancers. Then the dancers
brought coals with which to light
the pipes for the grandfathers.
All being in readiness for the begin-
ning of the dance, Big-Baby placed
the buffalo robe upon the shoul-
ders of the Lodge-maker, directing
it toward him first four times.
During the dance the Chief Priest
stood beside the Lodge-maker and
danced with him, thus encouraging
him. At times during this and the
following dances the Lodge-maker
stood on five bunches of sage
which had been placed on the floor
of the excavation. Thus he stood
on the four medicine-spirits and the sun. It was during this dance
that one of the women who held a scapula aloft on a stick cried out
to the dancers: "Do not be afraid to look at it; it is the moon.
You will be like this some dav."

Fk;. 94.

Woman removinj
the lodge.

bed from

i6o F'lELD Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. IX.

At the end of the dance, the two Arapaho, as usual, placed their
pipes and long willow poles by the side of the center-pole, and all the
dancers removed their wreaths of willow and the five bunches of
sage and deposited them at the foot of the center-pole and removed
their paint.

THE FOURTH PAINT.

Again the Chief Priest spat into the hands of the grandfathers for
the second paint of this day. Food was brought into the lodge and
the sacrifice followed. This time the Lodge-maker took five pieces
of meat, sacrificed one beneath each of the painted reach poles, begin-
ning with the one on the southeast, then the northwest, etc., and
finally a piece to the altar, thus feeding the four
medicine-spirits and the earth. Before Big-Baby
placed the robe upon the Lodge-maker for this
dance, the Lodge-maker got a coal with his
fire-spoon and placed it in front of his seat. Big-
Baby gave him a pinch of sweet-grass and he
made a circular motion with it and four passes
toward the coal and placed it on the coal. Over
the rising smoke he stooped, gathering his robe
about him to retain the incense ; thus uniting the
tribe.

Now began the dance. On account of the
intense heat the grandfathers labored over
their men, blowing the "medicine" upon their

1 J u '^^"™ ° feet, hands, back, and head, shaking them,
lodge snowing posi- i ^ ? > o

tions of sage. ^-^^ otherwise attempting to relieve their suf-

fering. It was noticed at this time that of
the thirteen dancers who had held out until this morning, two had
left the lodge, so that at the beginning of this dance there were
but eleven of the original thirty-nine remaining, and of these two
were Arapaho. (See PI. LIII.) Nevertheless, the enthusiasm of
the ceremony at this time was at its height. The old men and
women at the drum shouted in their happiness, while other old
couples openly made love, to the immense satisfaction and amuse-
ment of the crowd, which now was greater than at any time
during the ceremony. (See PI. LIV.) At the end of the dance
the dancers sat down. The two Arapaho placed their staffs behind
the altar. One of the Arapaho took his pipe to the assistant Chief
Priest who pointed the stem toward the four painted rafters, toward
the center-pole, to the fork, to the ground, to the buffalo skull, turned

CENTER POLE

Ii0^

PL. Llll. Line of Dancers at Noon, Last Day. (Carpenter. >

/,< ?

/Cc>

PL. LIV. General View of the Sun Dance Lodge. (Carpenter.)

/<o

May, 1905.

The Cheyenne — Dorsey.

161

the stem downward and pointed it toward the earth ; then he hghted
it and went through the same movements, offering the smoke.

THE FIFTH PAINT.

The grandfathers put on the last paint. The Chief Priest took
a large bunch of sage and going toward the altar divided it into five
bunches. He then arranged four
of the bunches in front of and
around the altar, their butts being
directed toward it, placing them
so that each bunch was distinct
from the others. The first was
southwest of the altar, the second
and third in front, and the fourth
on the southeast of the altar.
The fifth bunch he placed four feet
north of the center-pole. (See
Fig. 95.) Upon these the Lodge-
maker was to dance, praying to
the four medicine-spirits and to the
sun. Many women now came for-
ward with offerings of calico,
blankets, etc.: all these were tied
around the waist of the Chief
Priest, who wore them during the
next rite. (See Fig. 96.)

Fig. 96.

Cliief Priest wearing gifts of
blankets.

THE CHIEF PRIEST DANCES WITH THE LODGE-MAKER.

After the dance had
continued for a while all
sat down except the Chief
Priest and the Lodge-
maker; the musicians
continued to sing while
these two stood and
danced. (See Fig. 97.)
During the first song the
Lodge-maker stood on
the sage at the southwest
of the altar, during the

r-i ■ c -D ■ ^ J ■ u -J r second song he stood at

Chief Priest dancing by side of °

Lodge-maker. ^^^ second bunch of sage,

Fig. qj.

i62 Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. IX.

Fig. q8. Chief Priest and Lodge-maker Fig. qg. Altar, after partial destruction by
dancing by center-pole. I^odge-maker.

during the third song on the third, during the fourth song on the
fourth, and during the fifth song on the sage near the center-pole.
(See Fig. 98.) From this point the Lodge-maker and Chief Priest
danced or hopped stiff legged, one foot being slightly in advance of
the other, back and forth to the altar four times. As they approached
the altar the fourth time the Chief Priest pushed the Lodge-maker
toward the white arrows, causing some of them to fall. (See Fig. 99.)
Thus they gave thanks to the four medicine-spirits, and as he knocked
the white arrows down, their enemies are informed that they are
through dancing. The Chief Priest and the Lodge-maker then went
to their seats and sat down.

THE FINAL DANCE.

The Lodge-maker and all the other dancers arose again and began

dancing and whistling
with the beginning of a
new song. At this point
the Arapaho and their
grandfathers left the
lodge, for except the final
rite about to be noted the
dance was over, and they
had fulfilled their vow.
The curtains surround-
ing the lodge were now
removed sufficiently to
make doors or openings on

Fig. 100. Final dance, line facing the east. the south, west, and north

May, 1905.

The Cheyenne — Dorsey.

16-

sides. With the beginning of a new song the dancers formed in a long
single line facing the east (see Fig. 100), dancing and whistling.
At the end of the second song they moved forward one step.
Thus they danced through the third and fourth songs, moving
forward at the end of each song. At the end of the fourth
song they ran, led by the Chief Priest, outside of the lodge,
turned sharply, and rushed toward the center-pole, still led by
the Chief Priest, who waved in their faces a breath-feather fastened
to the end of a stick which represented flying birds. They raced
around the center-pole twice, then out again through the eastern door-
way. Then they rushed back toward the center-pole and made a
dash toward the south entrance, turned again and ran around the
center-pole twice, rushed out toward the west entrance, rushed back,
circled around the cen-
ter-pole twice and rushed
toward the north en-
trance. Again they re-
turned, circled around
the center-pole twice,
still being led by the
Chief Priest. By this
time the dancers were
fairly reeling and stag-
gering and panting for
breath. (See Fig. loi.)
They turned back and
rushed toward the altar,
in front of which they
stopped and the dance

was at an end. By this rite they march out to the four medicine-
spirits of the four directions; thus also they represent the people
going to their homes, full of life and animation. During this
exciting performance the musicians sang and shouted to a degree not
hitherto noted during the ceremony, while all the spectators, except
the priests and chiefs, shouted and encouraged the dancers.

BREAKING THE FAST.

The dancers took their places by the grandfathers who removed
their wreaths, which the dancers placed in a heap at the foot of the
center-pole. Then the grandfathers touched the symbols of the
dancers with sage dipped in water, and the dancers washed as before.
While Sage- Woman, the Chief Priest's wife, was preparing water for

Fig. ioi. Final dance, led by Chief Priest.

164 Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. IX.

the Lodge-maker's wife, the Chief Priest and the Lodge-maker sat
down by a bowl of water. The former touched his finger to the
ground, to his tongue, took a bite of root, and spat into the water five
times, first to the southeast, then in the southwest, the northwest, and
the northeast corners, and finally in the center. The Lodge-maker moved
his head gently toward the water four times, and then a fifth time, but
with a much more decided movement, and drank from the water. As
soon as the dancers had washed themselves they drank, without
formality, from pails of water which had been brought by their
relatives. Then each one caused violent vomiting by tickling his
throat with a grass stem (see Fig. 102), after which each one was

102. Till' emetic. (Mooney.

taken by his grandfather to a sweat-lodge which had been erected by
relatives during the close of the ceremony. This sweat bath did
not differ from the ordinary sweat bath. It is merely a purification
rite, and is said to depend for its efficacy on the sage on which the
bathers sit.

SMOKING THE SACRED PIPE.

The lodge was now completely deserted except by the Chief Priest,
the Lodge-maker, and two priests who sat on the northeast side of the
altar. The Lodge-maker removed the sacred pipe from the altar, got a
live coal from the fireplace and placed it in front of the Chief Priest,
who lighted the pipe and offered the stem to the four painted reach
poles, to the center-pole, to the altar, to the earth, and then smoked.
The pipe was passed from the east end of the line toward the west,
each priest smoking it ; it was handed back unsmoked to the east end

May, 1905.

The Cheyenne — Dorsey,

165

of the line ; thus it passed back and forth four times. The ashes were
removed without formaUty by the Chief Priest, who rubbed his
hands up and down the pipe on each side of the stem and handed
it to the Lodge-maker, who took the pipe to himself twice on each
side, then along the median line of his body. The Chief Priest
cleansed the bowl more thoroughly and tied the pipe and the buffalo
chip up in the bundle, which all this time had been lying at the
south side of the altar.

THE SWEAT BATH.

The Lodge-maker went with his wife to their tipi, where he filled
a pipe. They went to the tipi of the Chief Priest, to whom on
entering the Lodge-maker handed the pipe. Then the Chief Priest
made a small "earth" two inches in diameter, lighted the pipe, and
made the usual sacrifices. The Lodge-maker took a piece of meat,
blackened it with charcoal, and placed it in the Chief Priest's mouth.
Then they smoked four pipes full of tobacco and ate. The Chief
Priest's wife and his relatives have received during the ceremony
many presents; these were now given to the Lodge-maker and his wife.
In the mean time a sweat bath had been erected by the friends of
the Chief Priest, differing in no way from the ordinary sweat bath.
The Chief Priest and his wife and the Lodge-maker and his wife
went into the sweat-lodge for the purpose of purifying themselves,
especially with the belief that thus they may retain all the medicines
which they have received during the lodge. There were no rites or
singing connected with this bath. After the bath the Chief Priest gave
to the Lodge-maker five different kinds of roots to be used as med-

FiG. 103. Tlie abandoned lodge.

1 66 Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. IX,

icines. These roots were similar to those used in the Sun Dance cere-
mony.

THE FATE OF THE SUN DANCE LODGE.

As with the Arapaho, the lodge is not supposed to be molested
after the termination of the dance. Everything is left as a sacrifice by
the tribe to the great medicine-spirit. (See Fig. 103.) The omission
by the Cheyenne of the sacrifice of clothing to the center-pole and the
lodge in general is in marked variance with the custom of the
Arapaho. While no one is supposed to molest the lodge after the
ceremony, the Chief Priest may claim the right to take anything
from the lodge, bless it, and give it to any one who is in trouble, the
gift being supposed to be efficacious in removing the trouble.

PART III.— PAINTS WORN BY THE DANCERS.

As the successive events of the ceremony make for progress toward
a certain definite result, so the paints also progress in character
toward a definite end. Unlike the paints worn in the Arapaho cere-
mony, which showed great variation, and which to a considerable ex-
tent may be characterized as "dream-paints," those of the Cheyenne,
with one or two exceptions about to be noted, were uniform for all the
dancers, including, for the greater part of the time, that worn by the
Lodge-maker himself. The paint worn before the erection of the
altar, that is by the Lodge-maker and his wife when they left the
Lone-tipi, and by the dancers themselves when they entered the
lodge on the night of its erection, has already been described. It may
be repeated here that the white paint worn by the dancers on enter-
ing the lodge is in a certain sense of a purifying nature, it covers
all disease, bodily imperfections, etc., which, when the paint is re-
moved, are washed away with it.

There is a prescribed method for painting the dancers on each of
the four days during which they are supposed to fast. As a matter
of fact, however, in neither the ceremony of 1901 nor of 1903 did the
ceremony last four days; as a consequence, in the effort to represent
all the regular paints before the ceremony closed, a certain amount of
confusion resulted. In the ceremony of 1901, not all the pre-
scribed paints were represented. All but one were represented in
the ceremony of 1903 ; but the time during which each paint was worn
was much curtailed. The theoretical scheme of the paints, the days
being numbered in accordance with the Cheyenne system, when

ILC

FIELD COLUMBIAN MUSEUM.

ANTHROPOLOGY, PL. LV.

Fig. a.

Fig. B.

/66>

Pl. LV. Fig. A. Lodge-maker's Wife, First Paint.
Fig. B. Lodge-maker's Wife, Second Paint.

if if

May, 1905. The Cheyenne — Dorsey. 167

speaking of the paints, of calling the altar day the first day, is as
follows :

Day Number of Paint ' Name of Paint

First First Yellow

Second Second Pink

Third Third White (Hail)

a Green
b White
Fourth Fourth Black (Cyclone)

a Green
b White
It will be seen that this scheme takes no notice of the fact that all
the dancers were painted white on their introduction to the lodge on the
night of its erection. In comparing the paints worn in the ceremony of
1903 with the scheme given above, it will be noticed that on the first day
the Yellow-paint and the Green-Hail-paint were represented, although,
as will be seen, on the second day the white-Hail paint and the green
and white Cyclone paint were represented. Consequently, in describ-
ing the paints I shall speak of the first and second paints of the first day,
and the first, second, and third paints of the second day, in
order that they may be localized as regards particular events
which have already been described. It should be borne in mind, how-
ever, that while the first paint of the first day is the first paint, the
second paint of the first day should be the second day's paint. The
first paint of the second day, the Hail-paint, should belong to the third
day, while the second and third paints of the second day, the Black or
Cyclone-paint, belong properly to the fourth day. It is also to be
noted here that part of the time the Lodge-maker's wife wore paints
not represented by the other dancers; also that one individual wore
paint different from the others; and finally, that the two Arapaho,
being painted by Arapaho, wore paints which were quite foreign to
the general scheme of the Cheyenne ceremony. It remains, there-
fore, to describe in order the paint worn by the Lodge-maker's wife,
certain peculiarities of the Lodge-maker's paint, the regular paint,
the paint worn by a single individual, and finally the paint worn by
the two Arapaho.

PAINTS WORN BY THE LODGE-MAKER'S WIFE.

First Paint. The paint about to be described was worn by
both the lodge-maker and his wife on the morning of the erection of
the altar, and hence may be considered as the first paint of the first
day. The entire bodies of both individuals (see PI. LV., Fig. a) were

i68 FiKLD Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. IX.

painted solidly in red, the color being so applied that the marks of the
fingers were as much as possible obliterated. A straight black line
passed down the center of the face, over the middle of the nose,
across the center of the mouth, and terminated at the end of the chin.
On the middle of the right cheek was a round, black spot or sun sym-
bol, while on the left cheek was a black crescent or moon symbol. On
the center of the breast was a similar, but larger, black circle ; it also
represented the sun. On the back of the right shoulder was a large
black crescent or moon symbol. A black line encircled both wrists
and ankles.

Second Paint. The second paint (see PI. LV., Fig. 6) worn by the
woman, and which in the ceremony of 1903 was worn in the afternoon
of the altar day, was as follows: The body, except the face, as before,
was painted solidly red. The face was painted black, the color being
applied with the palm side of the wrist by Sage- Woman, who always
painted her. On the center of her breast was a black sun symbol,
and her wrists and ankles were encircled with black bands. On the
back of her right shoulder was a moon symbol.

Third Paint. The third paint of the woman, worn as the first
paint of the second day, was exactly like the paint which she wore
on the preceding evening, and which has been called her second paint.

Fourth and Fifth Paint. Her fourth and fifth paints, the second
and third of the second day, were the same. (See PI. LVI., Fig. a.) Her
body was painted red and the black sun symbol was applied on her
breast and a black moon symbol on her right shoulder, black bands
encircling her wrists and ankles. About the face was a band of
red, lighter in color than that of the body, and so applied as to form
the symbol of the morning star. The space within this red line was
filled solidly in green.

PAINTS WORN BY THE LODGE-MAKER.

The Lodge-maker's paint in general was like that worn by all the
dancers, the only exception being his first and second paints; that is,
the first and second paints of the first day, and of these the first was
like that worn by his wife, and already has been described.

Second Paint. The second paint of the Lodge-maker was a
modification of the first variety of the so-called Hail-paint, and was
worn as the second or afternoon paint of the first day. (See Pl. LVL,
Fig. b.) A band of red was drawn around his waist at the line of
the naval, forming a boundary between the lower half of his body,
which was painted solidly in red, and the upper half, which was
painted solidly in black. On the black ground on the breast was

ft>t

Pl. LVI. Fig. A. Lodge-maker's Wife, Fourth and Fifth Paints.
Fig. B. Lodge-maker, Second Paint.

FIELD COLUMBIAN MUSEUM.

ANTHROPOLOGY, PL. LVI.

Fig. a.

Fig. B.

/ce

FIELD COLUMBIAN MUSEUM.

ANTHROPOLOGY, PL. LVII.

-•• •

. ••• •

1 *. .* *
• •»• •

i^^

Fig. a.

Fig. B.

PL. LVII.

Fig. a. The Yellow Paint.
Fig. B. The Pink Paint.

/ 3HT ./

May, 1905. The Cheyenne — Dorsey. 169

drawn a circular symbol, outlined first by a red line, then by an en-
circling black line; the area within the red line was filled solidly in
green. Radiating from points equidistant apart on this breast symbol
were four green lines, two of which passed upward toward the shoulder
and down to a red line surrounding each arm, corresponding in
position to the red line about the waist and which separated the
black of the upper arm from the red of the lower arm. Two other
lines of green passed downward from the circular breast symbol
and terminated in the red line about the waist. A similar circular sym-
bol was placed upon the face, the region about the eyes, nose, and
mouth first being painted green and surrounded by a red line
within the black space which occupied the remainder of the face.
On the back of the right shoulder was a crescent-shaped symbol of
similar color, that is with a green center, inclosed within a red and a
black line. At various places over the black field of the upper part of
the body were green dots an inch in diameter, made with the end of
a round stick. Around the wrists and ankles were black encircling
bands. A straight black line joined the bands around the wrists to
the red band just above the elbow. Over the red field of the lower
part of the body, including the legs and forearm, after the paint had
dried, the priest applied here and there designs made by slapping
the body with willow leaves which had been dipped in red paint.

With this paint the Lodge-maker wore a willow wreath around his
head, a bandoleer of willow over his left shoulder and under his right
arm, a willow band about his waist, and willow wreaths about his
wrists and ankles.

Third, Fourth, and Fifth Paints. The remaining paints worn
by the Lodge-maker, namely, the third, fourth, and fifth, and includ-
ing those worn on the second day, were, with one exception, to
be noted later, exactly the same as those worn by the other dancers,
and will be described with the prescribed paints.

PRESCRIBED OR REGULAR PAINTS.

Before giving a detailed description of the regular paints, it may
be noted that when they are given in full they fall into four groups,
which originally were worn on the four days. The first is known as the
Yellow-paint ; the second as the Pink-paint ; the third as the White- or
Hail-paiht; the fourth as the Black-or Cyclone-or Dragon-fly-paint.

1.- THE YELLOW-PAINT

This is the first paint, and is worn on the morning of the altar day.
The entire body (see PI. LVIL, Fig a), including the face and hair, were

170 Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. IX.

painted yellow ; the paint on the face and body was given a ribbed or
grained effect by drawing the tips of the fingers over it before it was dry.
Over this yellow paint across the face just above the mouth were laid
two parallel rows of ten green dots. Upon the breast was placed a cir-
cular symbol of the sun, made of two concentric circles of green dots;
a similar arrangement of dots was made to form the crescent-shape
moon symbol on the back of the right shoulder. Around the wrists
and ankles were also two parallel rows of green dots. According to
one of the priests, this paint, as above described and worn on this day,
was incorrect; he contended that the sun and moon symbols and the
lines about the wrists and ankles should not have been made by
means of dots, but of narrow, black, continuous lines.

With this paint were worn a waist-band of sage; wreaths of sage
about wrists and ankles ; and the usual five bunches of sage inserted in
the waist-band. Thrust into the hair at the back of the head was a
stem of sweet-grass.

2.— THE PINK-PAINT.

The appropriate paint of the second day is known as the Pink-
paint. It was not worn by any of the dancers of the 1903 ceremony,
although the Lodge-maker wore a modification of it. The illustration
here given (see PI. LVII., Fig. b) and the description are from the 1901
ceremony. The entire body was painted pink, over which were mark-
ings of fine, small willow leaves made by sharply slapping the body
with young willow boughs which had been dipped in paint. Upon
the breast was a large black sun symbol ; around the face was a black
line passing over the middle of the forehead, across the chin, and just in
front of the ears ; on the back of the right shoulder was a large moon
symbol in black ; around each wrist and each ankle was a black encir-
cling band. With this paint were worn a willow leaf head-band and
waist-band, and willow wreaths about the wrists and ankles.

3.— THE WHITE- OR HAIL-PAINT.

The White or Hail paint is known as the third paint and in a cere-
mony of four fasting days belongs to the third day. There are two
varieties of this paint, one known as the green-Hail, the other as the
white-Hail; the first should be worn in the forenoon, the second in the
afternoon.

a. The green-White-, or Hail-paint.

Owing to the crowding of the events of the ceremony in 1903 this
variety of the Hail-paint was worn on the afternoon of the first day, as
the second paint of that day. It closely resembled the paint worn by

HELD COLUMBIAN MUSEUM.

ANTHROPOLOGY, PL. LVIII.

Fig. a.

Fig. B.

PL. LVIII.

Fig. a.
Fig. B.

The Green-White or Hail Paint.
The White-White or Hail Paint.

*«:tifc .

^fH:

May, 1905. The Cheyenne — Dorsey. 171

the Lodge-maker. The chief diflference was that a rectangular-shaped
or morning star symbol was worn on the breast, with the usual circular
sun symbol on the face ; thus reversing the order of the symbols as worn
by the Lodge-maker. (See PI. LVIIL, Fig. a.) Another difference
lay in the fact that the black road or trail marks extended from the
ankles to the waist line. The same wreaths were worn as already de-
scribed for the Lodge-maker.

b. The white-White- or Hail-paint.

This was worn as the first paint of the second day. (See PI.
LVIIL, Fig. b.) Around the waist and arms, just above the elbows,
were red bands; all above this was painted black, all below white.
Around the wrists and ankles were black lines ; extending upward from
the ankles were black lines which joined the waist-band; similar
lines joined the bands around the wrists and arms; on the breast
was the morning-star symbol and on the face the circular-sun
symbol. Both these symbols were outlined in red and filled solidly
in green. From the sun symbol a green line passed upward on each
side to the shoulder and downward on the arms to the red elbow
band, and two green lines extended to the red waist-band. On the
black upper surface of the body were large white dots ; on the white
lower surface of the body were willow leaf marks in red. The black
upper body with its white dots is symbolic of black clouds and white
hail lying about the white earth ; while the marks in red upon the white
extremities made by the willow leaves, symbolize the vegetation of the
earth. It may be noted that while the morning star was represented
on the preceding day as above the sun, on this day it was represented
as below, for "it moves, nowup, now down. The color of the morn-
ing star and of the other stars varies as does that of the sun ; hence
the different colors."

In connection with this paint was worn a willow wreath about the
head, symbolic of the sun, which causes growth, and around the neck
a willow wreath passing under the left arm. The band around the
waist typified the moon, while that of the extremities was symbolic
of the four medicine-spirits. The pink earth of the first paint is also
contrasted with the white earth of to-day.

The lines of the body lead to the heart, and are roads of prayers —
"Go to my heart and make me strong. "

172 Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. IX.

4.-THE BLACK-, CYCLONE-, OR DRAGON-FLY-PAINT.

This is the last paint of the ceremony, and in a performance
with four fasting days belongs to the fourth day. Like the White or
Hail paint there are two varieties, the green and white, which
should be worn on the forenoon and afternoon respectively. In the
ceremony under consideration they were the second and third paints
of the second day.

a. The green-Black-, or Cyclone-paint.

This was the second paint of the second day. About the waist and
elbows were red encircling lines, the entire surface above these lines
being painted black, while the surface below was pink. (See PI. LIX.,
Fig. a.) On the breast was a circular sun symbol in green, sur-
rounded by a red line, from the upper surface of which radiated upward
toward the shoulders and down the arms a green line, which ter-
minated in the red bands about the elbows. From the lower surface of
the sun symbol passed two green lines which terminated in the red line
around the waist. On the face was painted the large symbol of the
morning star in green, surrounded by a line of red. On the back of
the right shoulder was a large moon symbol in green bordered with red.
Scattered irregularly over this upper back surface of the body were
symbols of dragon-flies in green, averaging about three inches in
length. Thus there were in all eight or ten of these on the black
outer surface of the face, two on each side of the forehead, and two or
three on the jaws. The green dragon-fly symbols were also thickly
scattered on the back. On the lower pink surface of the body were
the black road lines connecting the red band about the waist with the
ankles and the red bands about the elbows with the black bands about
the waist. Over the pink area were the markings made by willow
leaves dipped in red paint.

With this paint was worn a willow wreath on the head and waist,
and small willow wreaths about the wrists and ankles. Before the
wreaths were put on they were directed toward the east, south, north,
then upward.

In this paint the pink represented the earth, especially its
growth, such as flowers, etc. The four roads, as usual, led from the
medicine-spirits to the heart. The black was symbolic of the clouds,
while the green dragon-flies symbolized the wind, cyclone or
whirlwind. They are supposed to bring the streams, hence water,
and hence rain to make the water. The kilts worn with this paint
were painted with symbols of rabbit tracks, the kilt first being

PL. LIX. Fig. A. The Green-Black or Cyclone Paint.
Fig. B. The White-Black or Cyclone Paint.

FIELD COLUMBIAN MUSEUM.

ANTHROPOLOGY, PL. LIX.

Fig. a.

Fig. B.

FIELD COLUMBIAN MUSEUM.

ANTHROPOLOGY, PL. LX.

Fig. a.

Fig. B.

PL. LX. Fig. A. Special Paint.
Fig. B. Special Paint.

'*^^-.i

May, 1905.

The Cheyenne — Dorsey.

173

painted brown so as to make it look old, thus expressing the wish
that the dancers will grow old.

b. The white-Black-, or Cyclone-paint.

This variety of the so-called Black-paint, and representing the
white cyclone, was the third paint of the second day. (See PI. LIX.,
Fig. b.) It differed from that described in the color of the dragon-flies,
which were now white instead of green, and in the color of the body
below the waist and the elbow lines, which was now white instead of

pink; the mark-

ings made by
the willows were
pink instead of
red. (See Fig.
104.) According
to one of mv
informants the
upper part of
the body in this
variety should
have been blue
instead of black.
A variation in
this paint may
be worn by those
who have missed

i ij^. IU4. iJtiiiccrs wearing the white Cyclune-painl.

none of the paints during the dance ; they have the privilege of having
their right arm painted entirely black with an extra large sun symbol
on the breast, and an extra large moon symbol on the back.

SPECIAL PAINTS WORN IN 1903.

A certain individual whose name was not learned, for the first
paint of 1903 was decorated differently from the other dancers.
(See PI. LX., Fig. a.) This was due to the fact that his grandfather,
or the one who painted him, possessed a certain kind of dream-paint.
The dancer's entire body was painted yellow. Around his face was
a line in red passing over his eyebrows and across the middle of his
chin; beneath each eye was a forked symbol representing lightning.
On his breast was a large circular sun symbol, and on his right shoulder
was a large red moon symbol. On the outer upper and lower arms and
outer and upper and lower legs were short red lines about four
inches in length. A red band encircled his wrists and ankles.

174 Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol, IX.

The same individual on the afternoon of this day was painted as
follows: His whole body (see PI. LX., Fig. b) was painted yellow.
On his breast was a large black sun symbol and on the back of his right
shoulder was a large black moon symbol. His face was painted
red, surrounded by a black line. Beneath each eye was a forked
zigzag lightning symbol. Black bands encircled his wrists and ankles,
and straight black lines were drawn upon his outer, upper, and lower
arms. Scattered irregularly over his body, both front and back, were
marks made by striking his body with willow leaves dipped in red
paint. The remaining paints of this dancer were regular.

Another individual for the second paint of the first day had the
whole surface of his body, including his face, painted yellow. (See
PI. LXL, Fig. a.) Over this were the imprints of willow leaves in
white. On his breast and back were the black sun and moon symbols
respectively. Black bands encircled his wrists and ankles. Upon his
upper and lower arms were two carefully made and realistic symbols
of buffalo hoofs. About his face was a black encircling line, and under
his eyes were forked zigzag lightning symbols.

This same individual wore this same paint as the first on the second
day, except that he had a red line around his face, red bands on his
wrists and ankles, and a large sun and moon symbol on his right
breast and back of the left shoulder respectively.

PAINTS WORN BY THE ARAPAHO.

The presence of the two Arapaho in the ceremony has already
been noted. A description of their paints is here given; it was not
found possible to obtain an explanation for them.

For the first paint (see PI. LXL, Fig. b) of the first day the whole
body was painted red. Around the face, wrists, and ankles was a
band of black. On the center of the breast and at the back of the
right shoulder was a black sun and moon symbol respectively. On
the nose was a black dot.

For the second paint of the two Arapaho on the first day (see
PI. LXIL, Fig. a) the entire body, including the face, was painted a
dull deep red; on the nose was a black dot. About the face, wrists,
and ankles were black lines. On the breast was a black sun symbol.
Just above and on each side of this were two realistic symbols of pipes
in black. On the back of each shoulder was a smaller symbol of a pipe
in black. Under the pipe symbol on the right shoulder was the cres-
cent-shaped moon symbol.

The first and second paints of the two Arapaho on the second day
were almost the same. At both times the entire body was painted

\l(f

PL. LXI. Fig. A. Special Paint.

Fig. B. First Paint of the Arapaho.

FIELD COLUMBIAN MUSEUM.

/■)

ANTHROPOLOGY, PL. LXI.

Fig. a.

Fig. B.

n<f

PL. LXII. Fig. A. Second Paint of the Arapaho.

Fig. B. Third and Fourth Paints of the Arapaho.

. V

FIELD COLUMBIAN MUSEUM.

ANTHROPOLOGY, PL. LXII.

Fig. a.

Fig. B.

May, 1905. The Cheyenne — Dorsey. 175

yellow, and a red band encircled the face, wrists, and ankles. A black
spot was made in the center of the bridge of the nose. There were two
large pipe symbols in red, their bowls facing, on the upper part of
the chest and on the back; they surmounted a symbol of the sun on
the breast and of the moon on the back. For the second paint of this
day the sun symbol was placed much lower from the pipes than it was
in the first paint.

The third paint worn by the two Arapaho on the second day dif-
fered from that just described (see PI. LXIL, Fig. b) only in that the
pipe symbols were replaced by solid rectangular figures.

PART IV.— TORTURE.

The rite of sacrifice by means of self-inflicted torture was com-
mon to many of the Plains tribes, and was practiced by no tribe to
a greater extent, so far as known, than by the Cheyenne. In
treating the subject as it bears upon the ceremony under considera-
tion, two points of view appear: torture as it was practiced before
it had been discontinued through the intervention of the whites ; the
torture incident of the ceremony of 1903.

ANCIENT FORMS OF TORTURE.

The individual who was to undergo torture during the Sun Dance
in former times may or may not have been one of the number of the
dancers, for torture did not depend, as may be inferred from what has
already been said, upon the particular warrior society to which the
subject belonged, but rather upon a vow taken voluntarily. A cer-
tain amount of discrepancy prevails in accounts given by different
informants as to whether certain days were reserved exclusively for
certain kinds of torture. It would seem that as a rule torture was
not performed on the day that the altar was erected, but on one or
more of the three following fasting days. Two distinct forms of
Sun Dance torture were recognized, each form being capable of ex-
tensive variation. Still another form of torture was practiced, soon
to be noted, the infliction of which, however, was not necessarily
dependent upon the Sun Dance.

Probably the most common form of torture and the one most
intimately connected with the Sun Dance, was by attachment in one
form or another to the center-pole. In the simplest form of torture
of this kind, two small skewers about two and a half inches in length
were inserted by a medicine man in the breast of the subject, just

176 Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. IX.

above the nipples. In performing this operation the subject sat down
upon the ground, leaning back on his hands, thus permitting the priest
freedom of access to his breast. The latter then would take the loose
skin of the breast between thumb and forefinger, and slightly
extending it, would pierce it, either with a large awl or with an old
knife which had been ground down almost to a point. Through the
hole thus formed was inserted a skewer, over which was lapped a
buckskin thong, the ends of which were tied to the two ends of
a long rawhide lariat. The free end of this lariat had already been
attached to the bundle in the fork of the center-pole, and its length
was so fixed that it permitted the one about to undergo tor-
ture to stand a short distance from the center-pole. Thus he could
either dance all night, when at morning one side of the skin about the
skewers would be cut and he would be freed, or he would jerk away
at once.* When the individual was to dance during the entire night,
thus attached to the-center pole, he wore an eagle-feather war bonnet
reaching to the ground, and carried in his right hand a staff. (See
PI. LXIII.)

In a similar form of torture whereby the dancer was attached to
the center-pole, he bore suspended by means of buckskin thongs
lapped over skewers in his back, a certain number of dried buffalo
skulls, sometimes four in number, or there might be as many as six
buffalo skulls, one being placed just over each shoulder, and four being
hung at the back. (See PI. LXIV.)

Another form of torture, and practiced long ago, was similar to
the forms already described, but in this case the skewers were inserted,
not in the breast, but in the skin of the cheeks just under the eyes. (See
PI. LXV.)

The second form of torture was that practiced about the camp-
circle rather than within the Sun Dance lodge. Of this form the com-
monest method was for the dancer to drag one or more dried buffalo
skulls attached to skewers inserted in his back, just as the skewers
were inserted in the breast, as already described. It seems that
in former times it was not uncommon for large numbers of men
to make the entire circuit of the camp-circle, having started at the
south side of the east opening, dragging from one to fifteen buffalo
skulls. The number of skulls dragged depended, of course, upon the
nature of the vow.

This method of torture was commonly practiced by the Cheyenne
on occasions other than the Sun Dance; and indeed, it is said that

*In illustrating this and other forms of torture practiced there have been used, by direct
reproduction, drawings made by Richard Davis, the interpreter.

PL. LXIII. Sun Dance Torture, to the Center-pole.

FIELD COLUMBIAN MUSEUM.

f7C

ANTHROPOLOGY, PL. LXIII.

n<'

iJJUXB Hl.

PL. LXIV. Torture by Means of Skulls Attached to the Back.

FIELD COLUMBIAN MUSEUM.

ANTHROPOLOGY, PL. LXIV.

\ -v'-r^

t)i.'

.3X33H0 3HT M 5«3Wa/((3 . • .VXJ .jS

PL. LXV. Torture by Skewers in the Cheeks.

(?c

/?(

FIELD COLUMBIAN MUSEUM.

ANTHROPOLOGY, PL. LXVL

UiJSji?'-:.*>*ib>?>?*«*:''".

■""""■''■■ J.>p-*"'' ■

■.-"-•'SESri*'*. """

Pl. LXVI. Torture in Fulfillment of a Dream.

•/A^iiO •! -"■' T'/ 4»^ I ii-i :ii^ Ai .-inuTquT .IV,

/7^

«j«;r-^

PL. LXVII. Ancient Tribal Torture Marks.

^MRAM 3RUTf)oT JAetAHr

May, 1905. The Cheyenne — Dorsey. 177

whenever the Cheyenne came together in a body, it was a common sight
to see men torturing themselves in this apparently popular manner.

Torture by means of suspension by thongs attached to skewers
in the breast was also common on other than Sun Dance occasions.
Thus, frequently one or more individuals would go to a lonely hill
and attach themselves by means of thongs passed over skewers in
their breasts, to a long lariat, one end of which had already been fas-
tened high up in a tree.

Often the occasion for torture had its origin in a dream. PI.
LXVI. is from a drawing illustrating a man undergoing torture in ac-
cordance with a dream, during which he thought that he fasted all day
and dragged eight buffalo skulls, four male and four female, around a
high mountain. The time of making the circuit required an entire
day. When he actually underwent the torture and was cut loose in
the evening, he claimed to be in no way fatieued. He claimed there
after to have received certain powers from the great medicine-spirit.

It remains to note a form of torture which the Cheyenne believe
always to have been practiced amongst themselves, and which in
their estimation furnishes the basis for the tribal sign formerly made
for the Cheyenne, which was indicated by repeatedly directing the
index finger of the right hand across the left arm from above the elbow
down toward the wrist. In the illustration (see PI. LXVII.) maybe seen
the marks which are said to have been made by a sharp flint knife. It
is claimed that all male Cheyenne were thus marked, and that most
Cheyenne to-day who are eighty or more years of age still bear the scars.
In the illustration it will be noted that above the elbow are seven
gashes, while below are twelve.

A similar form of torture is said to have been practiced in ancient
times by removing four circular pieces from the arm above the elbow
and eight pieces below the elbow. This method is also represented
in Plate LXVII.

THE TORTURE INCIDENTS OF 1903.

That one or two Cheyenne had long before the ceremony taken a
vow to undergo torture during the performance of 1903 there is no
doubt. That a greater amount of torture was not performed is,
no doubt, due to the fact that the leaders of the ceremony believed
that to indulge in torture would place the tribe in a false position.
As a matter of fact, on the morning of the next to the last day, that is,
on the morning of the erection of the altar, Roman-Nose made the
following announcement: "For many years past it has been the
custom of our people to celebrate a performance of this old ceremony.

178 Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol, IX.

Among our old beliefs and forms of worship was the idea that when a
man made a vow to be pierced on the breast, that sickness would
leave his family and that they would enjoy good health. To-night
one of our number will perform this part of the ceremony ; in order
that it may be done aright and that it may not injure our cause, no
person will be allowed in the lodge after sundown. " According to the
informant the individual referred to was Bull-Tongue, who had a sick
daughter ; and before the ceremony he had vowed that he would dance
all night partially suspended by a lariat from the center-pole. Some-
time during the night, Bushy-Head, a well-known Cheyenne priest and
medicine man, prepared a rawhide lariat and fastened a loop in each
end and measured it so that it was sufficiently long to permit of any one
attached to the ends of it to retire from the center-pole almost to
the side of the lodge. He then rolled into a ball one-half of the
lariat, placed it on a tipi pole, and threw it over one end of one of the
reach poles, where it rested in the fork of the center-pole. Bull-
Tongue took his blanket on the north side of the lodge and sat down,
leaning back on his outstretched arms. Bushy-Head knelt down by
the side of him and took up a pinch of the skin of his breast and en-
deavored to push through it the blade of a knife which had been
ground down until it was about the size of an awl. In this operation
he was assisted by Bull-Thunder. Owing to the toughness of the
skin, or the excessive bluntness of the knife, Bushy-Head did not suc-
ceed in inserting the blade of the knife and it shpped, making a
slight and insignificant wound upon the breast, whereupon he declared
that thus Bull-Tongue had fulfilled his vow. It seems that it was not
permitted Bushy-Head, by the custom of torture, to make a second at-
tempt to make a hole for the skewer after he had once failed. Bushy-
Head was selected by Bull-Tongue himself inasmuch as Bushy-Head
had on two occasions danced thus suspended from the center-pole
during the entire night.

It was learned after the ceremony that two men had made a vow to
undergo torture on that afternoon, namely, to have the two sides of
their breasts pierced, be attached to the center-pole by means of
a buffalo hide lariat attached to skewers, and jerk loose. They were dis-
suaded, however, from making the attempt.

The second torture incident of the 1903 ceremony was performed
very early in the morning, following the conclusion of the ceremony,
that is early on Friday morning, the dance itself having terminated
Thursday afternoon. That torture was to take place on this morning
was not known, so far as can be ascertained, by more than half a dozen
members of the entire tribe.

/7S"

PL. LXVIII. Torture iNcroENX of 1903. (Carpenter.)

M 4

May, 1905.

The Cheyenne — Dorsey

179

Before sunrise on this morning the young man who was to un-
dergo the ordeal, with Bushy-Head, the medicine man, and an assist-
ant, went to the south side of the eastern entrance. There two small
skewers about two inches in length and an eighth of an inch in diameter
were inserted in the subject's back by Bushy-Head after the manner

Fig. 105. Diagram showing method
of attaching torture thongs.

Fig. 106. Individual with thongs attaclied
to back. (Carpenter.!

described. (See Figs. 105 and 106.) Over each of these was looped a short
buckskin band, which in turn was made fast to one end of a lariat, to the
other end of which were attached two fragments of old buffalo skulls.

(SeePl.LXVIII.and
Fig. 107.) These he
dragged around the
inside of the camp-
circle and back to the
starting-point. The
time occupied in
traversing the, ap-
proximately , two
miles, was from
thirty-five to forty-
Dragging buffalo skulls attached to back. ^^e mmutes. Hav-
(Mooney.) ing completed the

Fig. 107.

i8o Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. IX.

circuit he sat down and Bushy-Head's assistant with a sharp knife cut
the skin on the upper side and released the skewers. (See Fig. io8.)
The skewers, knife,
and short buckskin
thongs were depos-
ited on the ground
by the side of one of
the buffalo skulls.
Later they were pur-
chased by an ob-
server for a small
sum from Bushy -
Head. In this per-
formance the man
undergoing the tor-
ture gave no evi-
dence of suffering
pain in the slightest
degree, nor was it
probable that he
suffered much, owing to the scant supply of nerves in the skin of the
back, as well as to the fact that the buffalo skulls were fragments and
very light in weight. During the performance his body was naked
except for a loin-cloth and moccasins. Before leaving his own tipi he
had given his body a thin coat of white clay paint. Apparently there
was no rite or rites of any sort connected with this performance,
the mere ordeal itself, enacted in a matter of fact way, serving to
fulfill the vow.

is:'iiTf,UL4::

Fig. io8. rricsl removing the skewers. (Carpenter.'

PART V.-CONCLUSION.

Attention may be directed, first, to an inquiry as to possible
changes which have taken place in the Sun Dance since the confine-
ment of the Cheyenne upon a reservation. Inasmuch as no trustworthy
detailed account of the ceremony of twenty or thirty years ago exists,
it is not possible to make a comparison in the literal sense of the word.
An estimate can only be made as to the amount, if any, of deterioration
or change which has taken place in the ceremony during that time.

Regarding the general features of the ceremony, it seems reason-
able to believe that there has been no change. Whatever change there
may have been has been one of degree and not of kind. The di-

May, 1905. The Cheyenne — Dorsey. 18 r

rection in which this change presumably has proceeded furthest, is in
the general setting of the ceremony . Thus buffalo hide tipis , with their
brilliantly painted heraldic devices and attending poles or tripods
bearing medicine bundles or shields, and the travois, have been re-
placed by canvas tipis, or even occasionally canvas tents, while ac-
companying modern tipis or tents are wagons or carriages, which
have entirely replaced the travois. Another direction in which there
has been great change is in the costume of the participants, and
even to a greater extent, of the spectators; buckskin and buffalo
robes, in both cases, having been almost entirely replaced by gar-
ments obtained from the trader.

The greatest change in the ceremony itself is, unquestionably,
the practically total absence of forms of torture and the shortening
which has been gradually taking place, through many years, of
the period of fasting from four to two days. There is reason to be-
lieve that formerly torture, in one form or another, during the Sun
Dance, was extremely common, so common, indeed, that observers
were often ready to believe that it formed the fundamental element of
the drama. Coupled with the disappearance of the torture, has
been the abolition of the custom of piercing the children's ears
during the ceremony.

That the ceremony is now devoid of certain minor features, some
of considerable interest, there can also be no question. Thus children
no longer make images or effigies of clay, especially those of the buf-
falo, and deposit them at the base of the center-pole. There is no
longer the boisterous hilarity and wild enthusiasm which seemed to
have characterized the older performances. Bands of boys and young
men no longer terrorize the camp at night, shooting every dog
they encounter and frightening the women and children. Young
men no longer seize the younger boys and compel them to submit
to many practices by which formerly they must have suffered. It is
reasonable to believe, also, that with the disappearance of these more
strenuous forms of amusement, there disappeared also much of the
more harmless forms of amusement in the camp. The participants,
presumably, are more sober, give rein less freely to strong emotions,
which formerly found vent in many dances, social or otherwise,
especially those of love, war, etc. That the ceremony, however, still
forms an important part in the social life of the tribe is evident. The
Cheyenne, no less than other communities, of whatsoever color or
nationality, require an opportunity, at least once a year, to exercise
various social functions, and especially to give exercise to the inborn
human desire to assemble in large numbers. This opportunity the

i82 Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. IX.

ceremony still gives to the tribe, in spite of the curtailment or abridg-
ment of a certain independence which characterized the older per-
formances.

That the majority of Cheyenne of middle life, and even a very large
number of the young men who have been educated in the reservation or
non-reservation schools, still have faith in the power of the Sun Dance
to continue the life and health of the tribe, there is no doubt. To
illustrate the fact that the Cheyenne still believe in the ceremonies of
the Sun Dance and in the danger of speaking disrespectfully of the
lodge, may be cited the following statement of Roman-Nose, made
during the ceremony of 1903 : "Agent White said that the Sun Dance
was no good. Soon after that he was at the telephone and lightning
stunned him for half a day. Again, Agent White said that the Sun
Dance was all nonsense. Shortly after this one of his clerks received
a shock from lightning. So it is proved that lightning or trouble of
some sort is sure to befall any one who talks slightingly of the Sun
Dance lodge, or who displeases the great medicine-spirit."

That the Sun Dance has been given up in one tribe and not in
another does not mean that the tribe which no longer continues the
ceremony does not believe in its efficacy, for the history of the
ceremony in such tribes reveals the fact that it was abandoned owing
to pressure from without, and not from lack of desire to retain the
ceremony within the tribe.

In the second place, it will be of interest to compare the Sun
Dance of the Cheyenne with that of the Arapaho. It may be stated
at once that the ceremonies seem to be the same in their general con-
struction, that differences such as exist are no greater, for example,
than those in the performance of the same ceremony in villages on the
different mesas among the Hopi. The Arapaho ceremony is, un-
doubtedly, more complicated than that of the Cheyenne, due, pre-
sumably, to the introduction of elements originally foreign to the
ceremony. These introduced elements, and points of dissimilarity
between the two ceremonies are not, however, so radical as to make
it probable that the ceremonies are morphologically distinct. A
brief comparative view of the two ceremonies brings out very clearly
their fundamental unity. Thus each ceremony results from a vow, the
one making the vow selecting a chief priest to conduct the rites of the
ceremony, to whom, on either one or two nights of the ceremony, he
offers his wife. Continuing the comparative view, from this point,
it may be noted that the time and duration of the ceremony, the
formation of the camp-circle, the position of the Lone-tipi, and the
construction and general character of the Sun Dance lodge, are prac-

May, 1905. The Cheyenne — Dorsey. 183

tically the same. In each lodge we find an altar, a common method
of dancing, and in general a similar color scheme for the dancer's
paints and costumes. The lodge in each case is appropriately dedi-
cated and with similar rites; the actions of the dancers have much
in common; at the conclusion of the ceremony each lodge, including
its altar, is left to the elements.

From this brief resume of the main points of similarity, details of
difference may be noted. The dancers of the Cheyenne ceremony are,
as a rule, not those who have pledged to dance as among the Arapaho,
but they dance because they belong to the same social organization
as the man who has pledged the ceremony. The secret tipi of prepara-
tion in the Cheyenne ceremony, like that of the Arapaho, is car-
ried into the open space in the circle, but the tipi is carried by
women and not by men, as among the Arapaho, and is known, suc-
cessively, as the Warriors'-tipi, the Priests'-tipi, and the Lone-tipi,
whereas among the Arapaho it is known as the Rabbit-tipi. The taboos
of the tipi of preparation are more severe and greater in number among
the Arapaho than among the Cheyenne. The secret rites of the
secret tipi of preparation among the Cheyenne comprise the making
of successive "earths," the drum-stick rattles, and the center-pole
image; these are not found in the Arapaho. In the Arapaho tipi of
preparation there occurs the painting of a buffalo robe to be used on
the center-pole. The buffalo skull is found in both secret tipis,
and in each its eye-sockets and nasal cavity are provided with grass
plugs. The painting of the skull in the Cheyenne ceremony differs
materially from that of the Arapaho. During the preliminary days,
but one important event is found in the Arapaho ceremony which
is not found in the Cheyenne, viz. : the ceremonial killing of the buffalo,
the painting of the robe of which has already been noted. The tem-
porary altar for the secret rite of preparation in the Cheyenne cere-
mony lacks the sacred wheel on its symbolic support, which plays an
important part in the Arapaho ceremony. The belt and head-dress
of the wife of the Lodge-maker in the Arapaho ceremony are sacred
and are handed down from one ceremony to another. In the
Cheyenne ceremony the belt and head-dress are constructed anew
for each performance. Women cut down the center-pole in the
Arapaho ceremony, whereas this is done by men in the Cheyenne. In
abandoning the secret tipi in the Cheyenne performance the wife of
the Lodge-maker carries the buffalo skull ; the Lodge-maker himself
carries it in the Arapaho performance. The painting of the four rafter
poles and the center-pole lack the interest in the Cheyenne ceremony
this rite has in the Arapaho. The sacred pipe and the wheel play a

i84 Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. IX.

more important part in the latter ceremony. In the Cheyenne cer-
emony the area to be painted is found by measuring, the one doing
this work being accompanied only by the Lodge-maker, who does the
painting. The remainder of the priests continue to rest half-way be-
tween the secret tipi and the lodge. In the Arapaho ceremony all the
principal Rabbit-tipi priests, including the wife of the Lodge-maker,
take part in the rite of painting the poles, the places where the poles
are to be painted being indicated by the chief priest with a pipe stem
and by his wife with the feathers of the wheel. In the fork of the
center-pole in the ceremony of each tribe is the Thunder-Bird's
nest. That of the Cheyenne contains a digging-stick, a damaged
arrow, and a small human image. That of the Arapaho contains a
buffalo robe, with ceremonial attachments, and a digging-stick. The
Thunder-Bird nest of the Arapaho is of willows ; that of the Cheyenne
of dogwood and cotton-wood. The dance on the night of dedication
the Cheyenne call the hand-and-arm drill, the Arapaho call it
the dance to the Four-Old-Men. On the morning of the altar the
Arapaho dance to the rising sun ; the Cheyenne do not. The buffalo
robe of the Lodge-maker, prepared in the secret tipi among the
Cheyenne, is reinforced by nine bits of rabbit skin; among the
Arapaho by an equal number of medicinal roots, each one of different
magic power. In each performance the priests leave the lodge
to secure sods. In the Arapaho performance the movement of the
line of priests imitates that of the path of flying geese. The Arapaho
require for their altar two ceremonial pieces of sod arranged one on
either side of the buffalo skull. The Cheyenne require five, arranged
about the skull, and broken up and connected so as to form a semi-
circle. A comparison of the finished altar of the two ceremonies re-
veals the following differences, in addition to the ones just noted,
and the difference in the decoration of the skulls. The excavation
in front of each skull was painted, that of the Arapaho half black
and half red, that of the Cheyenne in four different colored lines;
over the excavation in the Arapaho ceremony were seven rainbow
sticks, half of each of which were painted black and half red; the rain-
bow sticks of the Cheyenne altar were four in number, each painted
differently, to correspond to the four lines of paint in the excavation;
on each side of the excavation in the Arapaho altar were two billets of
wood; these were absent in the Cheyenne altar; the nine sticks
symbolic of men on each side of the excavation in the Cheyenne altar,
comprising the Cheyenne sticks painted black and red, and the enemy
sticks painted white, were replaced by seven sticks on each side of
the excavation in the Arapaho altar, those on one side being painted

May, 1905. The Cheyenne — Dorsey. 185

black and those on the other side red, the sticks being collectively
typical of the seven periods of creation. The vegetation of the altar
is represented by the Cheyenne by plum and cottonwood boughs, and
small bushes set upright in the semi-circular ridge around the skull.
In the Arapaho altar they are represented by small bushes inserted
in each of the two circular pieces of sod and by seven boughs arranged
in a straight row, four on the right and three on the left of the skull.
Behind the Arapaho altar stands the wheel on its support and the
secret bundle ; on the Cheyenne altar the secret bundle only is present,
and contains, in addition a black pipe similar in shape to the red pipe in
the Arapaho bundle, a buffalo chip. In the final dance the Arapaho
face the setting sun ; the Cheyenne dance to the four directions, and are
led several times around the center-pole by the Chief Priest. The
manufacture of sweet or holy water in a bowl behind the altar is an
important rite in the Arapaho ceremony; it is not found in the
Cheyenne. The sacred pipe is smoked on the evening of the conclu-
sion of the performance by the Cheyenne ; on the following morning
by the Arapaho, preceded by a rite to the rising sun. On this
same morning the Arapaho place many offerings of cast-off garments
on the altar foliage and on the center-pole and uprights of the lodge ; the
Cheyenne made no such offerings. The paint of the Arapaho was com-
plicated by the introduction of so-called dream-paints. It was pro-
gressive, however, and led to what may be termed a medicine rain-
making paint; the paints of the Cheyenne were less complicated, and
led more logically to the same end.

Thus it will be seen that though there are many minor differences,
none exist of fundamental importance. The conclusions already
reached may be repeated; the two ceremonies seem to be morpho-
logically the same.

It remains to consider the drama of the Sun Dance in con-
nection with the ritual. To do this for the Arapaho is extremely
difficult, as the connection between the drama and the ritual is never
so apparent as to be convincing. The connection in the Cheyenne
is much more striking and logical. The intimacy of this connection
is at once suggested by the difference in the meaning of the name
applied to the ceremony by the two tribes, the Arapaho calling it
"The Ceremony of the Offerings-Lodge," the Cheyenne " The Cere-
mony of Rebirth. " According to the Cheyenne ritual, the ceremony
owes its origin to the fact that during a time of famine a certain
man of the tribe, later known as Erect-Horns, and represented in
the actual ceremony of to-day by the Lodge-maker, left the camp
with a woman, not his wife, visited a medicine mountain, was re-

i86 Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. IX.

ceived by the Great Medicine, represented in the ceremony by the
Chief Priest, remained there four years, learned the ceremony, gave
as payment his companion, returned to his tribe, performed the cer-
emony, and rescued his tribe from starvation. It is thus apparent
from this r^sumd of the ritual that the ceremony which he learned
was not of recent origin. The fact that the ceremony was per-
formed in the mountain is brought out in other Cheyenne tales.
It is not apparent from the tale itself that this ceremony was a drama
epitomizing creation; but such, however, seems to be the underlying
motive in the drama. It should be noted, however, that the creation
here referred to and as conceived of by the Cheyenne is not the actual
first creation, but is rather a renewal of creation, or of rebirth. As
one of the priests expressed it, "The object of the ceremony is to make
the whole world over again, and from the time the Lodge-maker
makes his vow everything is supposed to begin to take on new life,
for the Medicine-Spirit, having heard the prayer of the pledger, begins
at once to answer it. When the man makes the vow, he does it not
so much for himself or his family, as for the whole tribe. Attending
upon his vow and its fulfillment is an abundance of good water and
good breath of the wind, which is the same as the breath of the
Medicine-Spirit who regards all things. At the time of the Lone-
tipi, when the earth is first created, it is just beginning to grow. As
the ceremony progresses, this earth increases in size, and when the
lodge itself is erected we build a fire which represents the heat of the
sun, and we place the lodge to face the east that the heavenly bodies
may pass over it and fertilize it. "

On one point the Cheyenne priests of to-day seem to unite, and
that is that the ceremony of the Sun Dance as they perform it was
once the exclusive property of a single band, that of the Sutayo.
This band differed, they say, from others in dress and language.
Against the Sutayo the other bands of Cheyenne fought for a long
time, the Missouri River between them. Finally peace was made;
they exchanged medicines and the Sutayo were assimilated with the
Cheyenne, bringing with them the Sun Dance. Whether the Sun
Dance originated with the Sutayo, who were perhaps Crees, or with
the Arapaho, or whether one or the other tribe, or both, borrowed it,
is a subject for further investigation.

^^^"sWl^C^rE^^^mx...

GN Fieldiana: anthropology
V.9

PLEASE DO NOT REMOVE
CARDS OR SLIPS FROM THIS POCKET

UNIVERSITY OF TORONTO LIBRARY

' -M

' -S'

Internet Archive Audio

Featured

Top

Images

Featured

Top

Software

Featured

Top

Texts

Featured

Top

Video

Featured

Top

Mobile Apps

Browser Extensions

Archive-It Subscription

Save Page Now

Full text of "Fieldiana"

See other formats